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Month: October 2009

One Born Every Minute

by digby

Jesse at Pandagon writes about the Cookie Diet, which has to be one of the best diet scams I’ve seen in years. I went on the cookie diet myself,many moons ago, back in college. And I lost about 15 pounds very quickly.

I ate two Chips Ahoys for breakfast, two Chips Ahoys for lunch and three Chips Ahoys for dinner, along with all the TAB I could drink. I had to quit it however, when I fainted in English Lit.

This new cookie diet works on the same principle. Except the cookies cost a lot more than a a bag of Chips Ahoy. And they almost certainly don’t taste as good. And it’s not like Chips Ahoy are all that tasty either.

Meanwhile, Pam discovers a scam I can really get behind:

Christians who believe they’ll vanish from Earth in the rapture can now hire an atheist to care for their pets.

For $110, Eternal Earth-Bound Pets offers a 10-year contract guaranteeing that an atheist will adopt the pet that’s left behind by its raptured owner. Additional pets can be covered for $15.

Eternal Earth-Bound Pets has guaranteed atheist reps in 22 states (NC is a new addition, as is GA).

We are a group of dedicated animal lovers, and atheists. Each Eternal Earth-Bound Pet representative is a confirmed atheist, and as such will still be here on Earth after you’ve received your reward. Our network of animal activists are committed to step in when you step up to Jesus.

You’ve committed your life to Jesus. You know you’re saved. But when the Rapture comes what’s to become of your loving pets who are left behind? Eternal Earth-Bound Pets takes that burden off your mind.

…Unfortunately at this time we are not equipped to accommodate all species and must limit our services to dogs, cats, birds, rabbits, and small caged mammals. [Please note: we can now offer rescue services for horses, camels, llamas and donkeys in NH,VT, ID and MT ]

No refunds if Jesus calls you home before The Rapture.

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Singing For The Public Option

by digby

A funny thing happened at the AHIP Annual Meeting:

That’s the Billionaires For Wealth doing the honors.

It isn’t quite as theatrical and over the top as the teabagger show, but it’s just as genuine and grassroots.

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Trigger Unhappy

by digby

So the rumor is that President Obama is pressuring Harry Reid to put Rahm’s trigger into the Senate health care bill but that Reid is resisting. True story or kabuki dance? Who knows? The White House denies the specifics, but there’s reason, based on past behavior, that they are so enamored of having Olympia Snowe on board so they have accepted triggers and expect Reid to back their “deal.”

But triggers are unacceptable, for reasons that have been spelled out for months. Health care reform is going to be a tough enough sell to those who are mandated to buy insurance as it is. What do they think is going to happen if they are forced to buy insurance that is guaranteed to rise in price until some trigger is hit that will be so outrageous that it requires the creation of a public plan (that will then take even more time to become operational?) It’s an invitation to an epic backlash. It’s already going to be hard to keep people on board during a transition period that lasts for years. To draw it out even further under the ridiculous, pie-in-the-sky assumption that the threat of a public plan will force the insurance companies to behave like decent corporate citizens is a tragic error. The insurance industry will take every penny it can get for as long as it can get it and the people who pay that price will blame the government who made them pay it, not them.

The Washington Post is reporting the story this morning this way:

Reid’s strategy is to try to persuade his Democratic caucus to allow a health-care bill with an opt-out public plan to come to the floor, even if there is no guarantee that all 60 senators who caucus with Democrats would ultimately vote for it. All 40 Senate Republicans, including Sen. Olympia J. Snowe (Maine), who supported the Finance Committee bill, have pledged to block legislation that includes a government insurance plan. Reid must unite Democrats to break that filibuster.

“He’s knows what he’s doing is a gamble,” Reid spokesman Jim Manley said. “But more and more, he’s convinced it’s the right thing to do.”

Reid’s calculation is that it could be more difficult to add a public option through amendments on the Senate floor than to include it in the bill and force opponents to try to find the votes to strip it out. Manley said Reid would spend the weekend canvassing Democrats on the opt-out idea and would probably decide Monday whether to include it in the Senate bill.

The Democratic leader pitched the opt-out idea to Obama at a White House meeting Thursday night and received a noncommittal response. Several senior Democratic sources said Obama is wary about alienating Snowe — the only Republican so far to support a Democratic health-care measure — and had already concluded that her plan for a “trigger” that would create a public option if private insurers don’t offer affordable rates represented a satisfactory compromise.

Reid’s original inclination was to leave the public option out of a final bill he is writing from measures passed by the finance and health committees. But his liberal colleagues began urging him two weeks ago to reconsider, after insurance industry forecasts that premiums would rise sharply under the Finance Committee bill, which lacked a public option. The report had the effect of prodding Democrats to look for better ways to control costs, and the public option — strongly opposed by the insurance industry — reemerged as a possible solution.

It’s fairly clear at this point that some sort of “public plan” is likely to be in the final bill, something that wasn’t guaranteed a very short time ago. But nobody knows whether it’s going to be a public plan in name only. Meanwhile some issues we’ve all been ignoring are coming to the surface. And they are very tough:

For example, as many as 20 votes hinge on resolving a battle over abortion that has pitted an unyielding abortion-rights faction against antiabortion Democrats who want to make sure no federal money is used to pay for the procedure.

I’ve been wondering what was going to happen with that. I’m guessing it’s going to be used as a chip to get the public option. And wasn’t that always obvious? If they get a public plan, there’s no way they are going to let the liberals get away without screwing them over in some substantial way to pay for that effrontery.

Probably the most important element of all this is that the White House is finally showing its cards. They actually think it is important enough to have a “bipartisan” bill only one Republican votes for that they are willing to sacrifice a plan that has a chance to mitigate some of the risks inherent in the mandate and the delays in implementation. It would be hilarious if it weren’t so deadly. Let’s hope they have enough sense to take yes for answer if Reid and Pelosi offer up something different.

Update: The PCCC is launching a petition drive to ask President Obama to abandon this ill-conceived, nonsensical insistence on catering to Olympia Snowe in the name of bipartisanship.

You can sign here and see the ad they are running in Maine.

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The Left At War

by tristero

Michael Berube was in town and stopped by Casa Tristero for an Indian dinner* with Madame T, our mobile DNA continuator unit, a friend from Germany, and yours truly. A genial, kind, and intelligent man – who’s been certified by no less an authority than David Horowitz to be one of the most dangerous academics in America – Michael came heavily armed… not with guns, you literalists! but carrying both an excellent bottle of wine and a copy of his hot-off-the-presses latest, The Left at War.** I started it right after he left for the wilds of New Haven, and it’s terrific.

Below is the official description of the book, but I thought I’d say a few words from first impressions. The book’s introduction and first chapter reminded me of some forgotten reasons for why I started blogging, back in early ’03. True, the prime reason I began was because of the atrociously criminal behavior of the Bush administration coupled with the failure of anyone in the mainstream media, Krugman a notable exception, to tell the truth about them. But there was another big problem which I felt needed addressing.

Back in ’02, the major groups visibly opposed to Bush’s proposed invasion of Afghanistan often had pretty lame politics which often struck me as thoroughly incoherent. Incredibly, opposition to Bushism was often paired with support for Saddam, as if they both weren’t morally reprehensible creeps who should never have had the chance to wreak havoc on the world. But there was little choice back then. You either held your nose and signed petititions you didn’t entirely agree with and attended marches sponsored by groups whose politics often made you uneasy, or you spent your time screaming in frustration at your TV set. (Or you did what I did: all of the above.)

There had to be an alternative, but it meant opposing not only the mad obsession to go to war that had taken over most of the US, but also working out a new rhetoric with more sensible politics than those I encountered. It had to be a politics which gave Bush and Cheney no quarter without in any way providing the slightest moral or political concession to tyrants, whether they supported or opposed US policies and goals. I felt I had something to contribute to this new rhetoric, and, as small as I knew my contribution would be, I felt then – and still feel – that I simply had to speak up.

From what I can tell so far, The Left at War is a formal critique, from the perspective of cultural studies, of the kind of leftism that prizes its marginal status in mainstream political discourse above genuinely effective engagement. Berube strongly disagrees with those, for example, who respond to an indefensible Israeli aggression by declaring, “We are all Hezbollah now”. Berube’s disagreement seems, like mine, not only rhetorical (what a stupid way to phrase your absolutely correct opposition to Israel’s bombing campaign) but political (it’s wrong-headed and naive to the point of being cuckoo to think Hezbollah is some kind of paragon of moral behavior). But make no mistake: no one on the right will be able to take any comfort in the political positions Berube proposes.

In short, what Michael seems to be up to is a rigorous advocacy of what I informally call “liberalism.” Whatever you call it, this position seeks, as I see it, not a “middle way” between left and right but rather a popular, effective, politics based on a sympathetic – and critical, when necessary – examination of the kinds of moral values that have pre-occupied so many great Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment writers.***

That is exactly the kind of discussion we need to have right now, now that we have, on some basic level, a sane administration and a conservative movement that, temporarily, has no remotely electable presidential candidates. The stakes are very high. We need to grapple with the complex politics of the Obama administration and the complex social changes and social upheavals his election caused. If we are to be effective, we need positions far more relevant and supple than those provided by what Berube calls the Manichean Left. And those of us, like myself, who have been trying to imagine a new political position need all the help we can get clarifying the intellectual issues in play. There hasn’t been much done so far that’s been all that interesting and useful. If the beginning is any indication, Michael’s book seems like it will be.

I”ll have a complete review when I’ve read the whole thing, perhaps next week, because this week I”m busy preparing – and happily so – a lecture on music and science for next Friday at the Kahn Institute at Smith College. Meanwhile, here’s the publisher’s info for The Left at War. I hope you will buy the book, not because Berube’s a friend of Hullabaloo’s, but because it looks like a damn good and provocative read:

The terrorist attacks of 9/11 and Bush’s belligerent response fractured the American left–partly by putting pressure on little-noticed fissures that had appeared a decade earlier.
In a masterful survey of the post-9/11 landscape, renowned scholar Michael Berube revisits and reinterprets the major intellectual debates and key players of the last two decades, covering the terrain of left debates in the United States over foreign policy from the Balkans to 9/11 to Iraq, and over domestic policy from the culture wars of the 1990s to the question of what (if anything) is the matter with Kansas.

The Left at War brings the history of cultural studies to bear on the present crisis–a history now trivialized to the point at which few left intellectuals have any sense that merely cultural studies could have something substantial to offer to the world of international relations, debates over sovereignty and humanitarian intervention, matters of war and peace. The surprising results of Berube’s arguments reveal an American left that is overly fond of a form of countercultural politics in which popular success is understood as a sign of political failure and political marginality is understood as a sign of moral virtue. The Left at War insists that, in contrast to American countercultural traditions, the geopolitical history of cultural studies has much to teach us about internationalism–for in order to think globally, we need to think culturally, and in order to understand cultural conflict, we need to think globally. At a time when America finds itself at a critical crossroads, The Left at War is an indispensable guide to the divisions that have created a left at war with itself.

*Recipes courtesy Raghavan Iyer’s masterpiece, 660 Curries.

**It’s helpful for new books if they get a high ranking from Amazon. Of course, it’s better if Hugo Chavez comps the president of the United States with your latest opus, but still… If you prefer, you can also get Michael’s book here.

***Cue the inevitable riposte that there was plenty wrong with the Enlightenment. No kidding. Obviously, I’m talking about a cultural/political/moral system that builds upon what these people got right, and they got a lot right.

The Baby Lobby Fights Back

by digby

Don’t mess with the babies.

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Exercise

by digby

Since I do this many hours a day, seven days a week, I’m pretty sure this means I’m going to be the smartest old person in the world:

“The results suggest that searching online may be a simple form of brain exercise that might be employed to enhance cognition in older adults,” Teena D. Moody, the study’s first author and UCLA researcher, said in a statement.

On the other hand, I may just end up having so much completely useless information rolling around in my head that my head explodes. I guess we’ll see.

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Reading Up

by digby

The Nation has devoted its current issue to Afghanistan. There are many interesting, provocative articles, but this sentence, from the editorial stands out:

Obama has called Afghanistan a war of necessity and fed the notion that it is the “good war,” in contrast to the one in Iraq. Afghanistan policy should not be a hostage to the president’s past rhetoric.

I said something similar recently and was excoriated by wingnuts all the way up to the National Review. (Thanks for the traffic!) I’m still not sure why. These same wingnuts all agreed with Bush and Cheney that Afghanistan was just a littlemilitary side dish and not worth thinking about for nearly eight years. Now it’s the Most Important Thing In The World and Obama needs to fall on his knees and obey the Generals or the terrorists are going to kill us all in our beds.

Anyway this edition of The Nation is a compendium of leftish thinking on the subject and worth spending some time with.

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Winners ‘N Losers

by digby

Here’s a box score type article in Politico about the “winners and losers” in the Consumer Financial Protection Agency vote. Here’s how it’s characterized:

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Wall Street are on the outs, and consumer advocates and cranky liberals are in. Some moderates are getting left in the dust, while special interests that play on parochial loyalties still remain powerful.

I guess the public isn’t in the game …

But on the whole, that sounds like a pretty good score to me. I don’t even mind being called cranky liberal. I think it’s a good thing for the liberals to be cranky when it comes to financial reform and consumer protection. Any politician who isn’t cranky isn’t paying attention or isn’t doing his or her job.

One caveat in all this is that the automobile dealers seem to have gotten quite the sweetheart deal, presumably because they are in one of the still desperate industries. But as Dday reports, it’s a bad idea on the merits, and a bad idea pushed by a crook (and a nut) to boot:

The auto dealer exemption is probably the worst amendment in the entire Financial Services Committee markup on regulatory reform. You can make a case for some of the other amendments, and Rep. Frank said on Rachel Maddow’s show last night that the committee will pass the reform bill today that gives Democrats and the Administration “90% of what we wanted.” But this is part of that other 10%. Auto financing is typically the second-largest purchase a family makes, behind housing, and the horror stories of auto loan customers being ripped off are voluminous. The amendment was authored by Rep. John Campbell (R-CA), a former auto dealer who has been ripped by consumer groups for having major conflicts of interests.

The consumer groups, which also include organizations that want election reform, say that Campbell should walk away from his amendment for two reasons. First, because six auto dealerships pay him rent and would benefit from his amendment and he would benefit. And second, that Campbell received $170,000 in campaign contributions from auto dealers since he’s run for Congress. The groups say Campbell’s personal financial disclosure forms show he received between $600,000 and $6 million in rent last year.

Campbell’s “defense” is that four of the six properties are no longer car dealers, having gone out of business – so two still are, and the amendment will directly shield them from oversight. He also says that the House Ethics Committee approved him authoring the amendment, without giving details. It turns out that Campbell recused himself from a vote last year on bailing out the automakers, based on a conflict of interest, but in this case, writing the amendment exempting them from oversight is OK with him.

So, it’s not perfect. Auto loan contracts are among the most common entered into by individuals and they constitute one of their largest investments. Leaving them without oversight is a recipe for taking Joe and Jane American to the cleaners. The lesson that everyone needs to grok is that we are in the era of the rip-off, where if you leave the loophole, they will run over each other to get through it.

Still, I’m quite pleased that the cranky liberals and consumer protection advocates actually won one for the team (the team being the citizens) even if it’s imperfect. Considering what has happened, this should be an era of consumer protections and financial reform unequaled since the 1930s. It’s good to see some action on this front finally. Let’s hope that’s just the beginning.

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The Problem Is The Solution

by digby

One of the more annoying right wing mantras, especially now, is the endless, tiresome insistence that “government is the problem.” But it’s more than just tiresome, it’s dangerous. As I have said one too many times, it empowers the malefactors of great wealth to escape responsibility for what they do.

But there’s more to it than that. As Jeff Madrick writes at OurFuture.org., the myth of government being the problem leads to a starvation of society and ultimately hurts economic growth:

All myths are by definition simplistic. The one that became entrenched in the late 1970s and early 1980s had as its core claim that government’s presence was usually an impediment to prosperity and that the best course for the American economy was to reduce aggressively government’s size and reach. So popular was this destructive notion that the end of the “era of big government” was announced proudly in 1996 by a Democratic president, Bill Clinton. In the past 30 years, government, with a few exceptions, did not adequately sustain and nurture society, or help it adapt to change. Government invested less in America, it regulated less, and it led less. It was a lost generation.
The financial crisis occurred because of this widespread disdain for and distrust of government. Under ideological pressure to which both political parties subscribed and under the influence of powerful vested interests, government stepped back and gave financial markets largely free rein. Very risky investments were made with enormous levels of debt; the failure of one firm could take down an entire industry . Common sense was discarded and new, highfalutin theories about the rationality and efficiency of markets dominated thinking at the best universities, the halls of Congress, and the boardroom of the nation’s central bank. Always, the argument was the financial community understood risk better than any government could. When you comb the serious academic evidence about how and why economies grow, you will find that no case can be made that big government or even high taxes impede economic growth over time. History offers no lesson about the values of minimal government. There has never been a laissez-faire modern economy. To the contrary, the evidence shows that government typically contributed vitally to growth. As odd as it is to have to say this, without effective government, America would be poor today.

I can’t think of anything more important than beating back the ridiculous misunderstanding that . Of course we need to be skeptical of government power. But fundamentally it is simply an organizing institution and is required as a mediator and facilitator to make our freedoms real and our opportunities equal. The right wing’s self-serving demonization of government has twisted Americans’ understanding of how to look out for their self-interest and it’s skewed everything

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