Skip to content

Month: May 2007

Ugh

by digby

From Jeralyn:

Christopher Newton was put to death like a dog in Ohio yesterday. The execution took two hours and ten attempts…

It took so long that the staff paused to allow Newton a bathroom break.

It’s bad enough that in the year 2007, the state still finds it necessary to commit highly ritualized random executions, but it’s incomprehensible that the state is also unable to find a way to kill someone without it turning into a sideshow. I have to wonder if they don’t actually do it on purpose. More fun for the folks.

.

Dreamer

by digby

Ok, I like Bill Richardson and everything. He’s an extremely well-qualified fellow who seems to have a gift for diplomacy and foreign policy — two things I think this country needs desperately.
But it’s one thing to broker deals with Kim Jon Il or manage hostage releases. It’s quite another to say you can bring Red Socks Sox and Yankee fans together as he did on Meet The Press this morning. Let’s get real.

.

Saturday Night At The Movies

Riding in cars with films

By Dennis Hartley

I’m going to deviate from my norm a bit this week and recommend some CDs you might want to pack along for your summer vacation.

Some movie soundtracks are so damn good you want to take ‘em with you wherever you go, so with that in mind I have compiled my personal “top ten” list for your consideration. Before I am called on the carpet for “overlooking” the likes of Bernard Herrmann, Dmitri Tomkin, Alfred Newman, Henry Mancini, Maurice Jarre, etc.-please know I am not attempting to tackle a scholarly dissertation on film composers; my criteria here is the type of soundtrack that you would rip into the iPod or pop into the car stereo. So, at the risk of crashing Haloscan, here we go (in no particular ranking order):

O Lucky Man!: Former Animals keyboardist Alan Price composed and performed a fantastic batch of original pop-rock tunes for Lindsay Anderson’s 1973 film (Price and his band were also cleverly incorporated into the story on camera as the Greek chorus.)

The Best of James Bond 30th Anniversary: OK, I’m cheating a bit here, as this one CD represents a dozen or so movies; but with Bond films it’s all about that one opening title song anyway, so an anthology like this makes perfect sense. Highlights: Shirley Bassey’s “Goldfinger”, Nancy Sinatra’s “You Only Live Twice”, Duran Duran’s “A View to A Kill” and of course Monty Norman’s original signature 007 theme.

Me And You And Everyone We Know : Normally, I’m not prone to making a beeline to the nearest music store to purchase the soundtrack right after leaving the theater, but that is exactly what I did after watching Miranda July’s fantastic debut. The effervescent, Eno-influenced ambient music by Mike Andrews gets even better upon repeat listening.

Valley Girl and Valley Girl: More Music From The Soundtrack: For those of us who get all misty-eyed about the early 80s new wave/power pop scene, this quintessential soundtrack was one of the most well-selected (outside of the John Hughes oeuvre). Music from the Jam, the Plimsouls, Psych Furs, Bonnie Hayes, Modern English, etc.-great stuff!

2001: A Space Odyssey(1996 reissue): The use of classical music was a signature trademark of just about any Kubrick film, but this particular soundtrack was Stanley’s best “mix tape”, IMHO. (Hal Ashby would later pay homage and recycle Strauss’ “Also sprach Zarathustra” (Deodato’s jazzed-up arrangement) to great effect in “Being There”.)

The Good, The Bad & The Ugly (Expanded edition): The artistic partnership between spaghetti western director Sergio Leone and composer Ennio Morricone is the stuff of legend, and this soundtrack from the classic 1968 film represents the apex. Runner up: “Duck, you Sucker!” (I still find myself singing “shom, shom, shom” in the shower…)

She’s Gotta Have It: Spike’s dad Bill composed a wonderful (and underrated) pop-jazz score for Lee’s indie debut. Highlight: “Nola” (the memorable song that accompanied the film’s solitary full-color scene). Unfortunately this soundtrack is currently out of print (I’m glad I hung on to my dog-eared cassette copy all these years!).

Hedwig and the Angry Inch (Movie soundtrack version): Put on your makeup, plug in the 8-track and take your wig down from the shelf! Director/writer/star John Cameron Mitchell and composer Stephen Trask produced one kick-ass original soundtrack for the film version of their stage musical. Bob Mould contributes outstanding guitar work.

Lock, Stock And Two Smoking Barrels: Guy Ritchie’s brilliant Brit-noir featured an equally brilliant selection of music. An eclectic blend of ol’ skool funk and soul, reggae, classic Top 40, garage punk and modern Britpop. Any mix that includes “I Wanna Be Your Dog” by the Stooges, the theme from “Zorba the Greek”, “Spooky” by Dusty Springfield and “18 with a Bullet” by Pete Wingfield, (and makes it all work) rules!

Un Homme et une Femme(Soundtrack): A perfect marriage of movie and soundtrack. Francis Lai’s music for Claude Lelouch’s 1966 masterpiece is truly timeless. Highlights: The title theme and “Samba Sarava”. Unfortunately, it is currently available only as a pricey import CD; but I have seen vinyl copies floating around used record stores for a relative pittance (labeled by its English title “A Man and a Woman”.) Happy hunting!

And needless to say, we also highly recommend the haunting and beautiful Voices Of Light: An Oratorio Inspired By The Film The Passion Of Joan Of Arc, written by our esteemed colleague, Richard Einhorn (whom you all know as tristero.) — d

.

Pathological Optimism

by digby

From the LA Times:

The report spotlighted two documents prepared in January 2003 by the National Intelligence Council. One document was titled “Regional Consequences of Regime Change in Iraq,” the other “Principal Challenges in Post-Saddam Iraq.”

These papers warned that:

• Establishing “an Iraqi democracy would be a long, difficult and probably turbulent process, with potential for backsliding into Iraq’s tradition of authoritarianism.”

• Unless the occupying forces prevented it, “score settling would occur throughout Iraq between those associated with Saddam’s regime and those who have suffered most under it.”

• Among the majority Shiite population, which Saddam had kept out of power, a political form of Islam could take root, “particularly if economic recovery were slow and foreign troops remained in the country for a long period.”

• Iran would probably try to shape the post-Hussein Iraq, in a bid to position itself as a regional power.

• Al Qaeda would probably take advantage of the war to increase its terrorist activities, and the lines between it and other terrorist groups “could become blurred.”

Each of these assessments was prescient. And Bush now cites the danger posed by Al Qaeda forces in Iraq as a major reason for resisting calls that the U.S. begin decreasing its troop levels and set a firm deadline for withdrawal.

In early 2003, even as their deputies were receiving the intelligence community papers, top administration officials — among them Vice President Dick Cheney and then-Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld — publicly speculated that U.S. troops would be greeted warmly as liberators and gave no hint that some analysts were raising red flags about difficulties to come.

Here’s the smoke they were blowing for public consumption:

Vice President Cheney

“I think that the people of Iraq would welcome the U.S. force as liberators; they would not see us as oppressors, by any means. And our experience was after the Gulf War in ’91 that once the United States acted and provide leadership that in fact, the community, the region was more peaceful for some considerable period of time. That is what made possible a lot of progress in peace process between the Israelis and Palestinians back in the early ’90s.” (Cheney, CNN American Morning, 9/9/02)

Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld

“Think of the faces in Afghanistan when the people were liberated, when they moved out in the streets and they started singing and flying kites and women went to school and people were able to function and other countries were able to start interacting with them. That’s what would happen in Iraq.” (Media Roundtable, 9/13/02)


Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz

“The Iraqi people understand what this crisis is about. Like the people of France in the 1940s, they view us as their hoped-for liberator. They know that America will not come as a conqueror. Our plan, as President Bush has said, is to remain as long as necessary, and not one day more. And the Iraqis also recognize that the economic and political reconstruction of their country will be difficult. It will take their best efforts with the help of the United States and our coalition partners. But they are driven by the dream of a just and democratic society in Iraq.” (Wolfowitz, Remarks to VFW conference, 3/11/03)

“Until the regime is gone it’s going to be very hard to do anything. Even in cities that are liberated. I think when the people of Basra no longer feel the threat of that regime, you are going to see an explosion of joy and relief.” (Wolfowitz, News Conference, 3/25/03)

Secretary of State Colin Powell

“We understand the implications of such a change of regime action and have made a commitment, to ourselves, anyway, as we start down this road that we would have obligations to see it through. We would hope that if it came to that, there would be such a sea change in the region, rather than it being seen as an assault, it would be seen as a liberation, and it would be seen as the beginning of a new era in that part of the world, as Mr. Lantos has spoken of. And we are working our way through the issues that have been raised by such contingency. And it’s another reason why we went to the international community last week, because if we ever get to that point, we want the international community in there; it will take the international community to help stabilize the situation and create the kind of region that we talked about earlier.” (Powell, HIRC, 9/19/02)

Press Secretary Ari Fleischer

“The point, again, to be – to work with our international coalition, to work through the U.N., to work through our military, to make certain that there is stability in the region. But I think that can be a force for stability and a force for improvement of people’s lives. And take a look at what’s happening in Afghanistan now, and the event that the president had in Afghanistan today to mark what’s happened in the improvement of people’s lives from where they were a year ago. The fact is that people want to be free. Around the world, it doesn’t matter what country they are, whether it’s the United States or anywhere in the world. Nobody wants to live under a brutal dictatorship. And the people of Afghanistan view the United States as liberators…Now that’s not to predict what the ultimate outcome could be if we go to war, because nobody is saying a war will not have difficulties and there would not be casualties. My point is, the likelihood is much more like Afghanistan, where the people who live right now under a brutal dictator will view America as liberators, not conquerors.” (Fleischer, Press Briefing, 10/11/02)

TBOGG has more on how much the Iraqis love us.

And Steve Benen, over at TPM, highlights another reason why the administration’s Little Mary Sunshines all pooh-poohed the intelligence they didn’t like and stove-piped the intelligence they did: they refused to hire anyone who had a clue about the region.

.

The Ballad Of Joe And Jane

by digby

There’s a lot of back and forth about whether Joe Klein committed a journalistic error in his reporting on Jane Harman’s vote. I won’t get into that. It speaks for itself.

But I do think Klein may be missing something very important about Harman’s vote. She told Klein this:

I apologize for not calling to tell you that I changed my mind. Your account of our conversation was accurate and I stand by what I said to you. We were faced with two miserable choices. I had those kids on the C-130 [deploying to Iraq] in my mind, but I also had to consider the overwhelming opposition to this war in my district–and, in the end, my responsibility was to the people I represent.

It was a rough week last week for the people of Jane Harman’s district and Klein ought to cut them some slack, and Harman too. One of those people she represented was this man:

TORRANCE, Calif. (AP) Schoolmates remembered Pfc. Joseph Anzack Jr. as a gentle jock Thursday, hours after Army officials confirmed the 20-year-old’s body was found during an exhaustive search for him and two other soldiers ambushed in Iraq.

Friends at South High School observed a moment of silence and described him as a “pumped up” athlete who made them laugh and comforted them when they needed it.

“You’d be sad and sitting there by yourself, and he’d come up to you and just talk to you, and say, ‘Hey, how’s your day? Are you OK?”‘ childhood friend Erika Esquivel said.

Anzack, who graduated two years ago, should be honored for “his service to America and for representing South High and Torrance so proudly and so well,” Principal Scott McDowell told students in a second-period classroom announcement.

Outside, the front steps became a makeshift shrine of flowers, flags and balloons, marked with a sign reading: “You’re our HERO.” The soldier’s Web page was also flooded with condolences.

Anzack, an Army gunner, vanished with two other soldiers May 12 when their combat team was ambushed about 20 miles outside of Baghdad. The attack, subsequently claimed by al-Qaida, killed four other Americans and an Iraqi.

Anzack’s family had held out hope for the past 11 days. They had already endured a rumor weeks earlier that he was dead, then said Army officials told them Wednesday that a body found floating in the Euphrates River was his. The military confirmed Thursday that Anzack had been shot in the head, and his body dumped.

Sadly Anzack wasn’t the only one of Harman’s constituents who was killed last week:

U.S. Army Pfc. Daniel Cagle didn’t want to return to Iraq in April after a two-week leave. But the Hawthorne-area man knew he had to go.”He said, `I have my friends there. They are my second family and I’ve got to watch out for them,”‘ said his older sister, Nicole Cagle. “He was so proud to be right next to these people that he fought with. That was the only thing that made him want to be back: To protect them and lead them.” The 22-year-old man’s fellow soldiers said that’s what he was doing Wednesday when he died – leading them on a patrol near Ramadi in search of insurgents.Cagle died shortly after a bomb exploded when he and Staff Sgt. Steve Butcher Jr., 27, of Penfield, N.Y., entered a house. The blast threw the rest of the team back and killed Butcher instantly.

I would assume Harman knew about Pfc. Anzack at least, who had been all over the news and was a big story in these parts — and probably Pfc Cagle as well. I have no idea if this affected her thinking, but it almost certainly affected the thinking of her constituents, who, in vast numbers, want the US to begin to withdraw from Iraq.

I don’t know the politics of these two families. But I wouldn’t be surprised, considering the make-up of the district in which they live, if Andrew J. Bacevich speaks for some of them:

Parents who lose children, whether through accident or illness, inevitably wonder what they could have done to prevent their loss. When my son was killed in Iraq earlier this month at age 27, I found myself pondering my responsibility for his death.

Among the hundreds of messages that my wife and I have received, two bore directly on this question. Both held me personally culpable, insisting that my public opposition to the war had provided aid and comfort to the enemy. Each said that my son’s death came as a direct result of my antiwar writings.

This may seem a vile accusation to lay against a grieving father. But in fact, it has become a staple of American political discourse, repeated endlessly by those keen to allow President Bush a free hand in waging his war. By encouraging “the terrorists,” opponents of the Iraq conflict increase the risk to U.S. troops. Although the First Amendment protects antiwar critics from being tried for treason, it provides no protection for the hardly less serious charge of failing to support the troops – today’s civic equivalent of dereliction of duty.

What exactly is a father’s duty when his son is sent into harm’s way?

Among the many ways to answer that question, mine was this one: As my son was doing his utmost to be a good soldier, I strove to be a good citizen.

As a citizen, I have tried since Sept. 11, 2001, to promote a critical understanding of U.S. foreign policy. I know that even now, people of good will find much to admire in Bush’s response to that awful day. They applaud his doctrine of preventive war. They endorse his crusade to spread democracy across the Muslim world and to eliminate tyranny from the face of the Earth. They insist not only that his decision to invade Iraq in 2003 was correct but that the war there can still be won. Some – the members of the “the-surge-is-already-working” school of thought – even profess to see victory just over the horizon.

I believe that such notions are dead wrong and doomed to fail. In books, articles and op-ed pieces, in talks to audiences large and small, I have said as much. “The long war is an unwinnable one,” I wrote in an August 2005 opinion piece in The Washington Post. “The United States needs to liquidate its presence in Iraq, placing the onus on Iraqis to decide their fate and creating the space for other regional powers to assist in brokering a political settlement. We’ve done all that we can do.”

Here was my own version of duty.

Not for a second did I expect my own efforts to make a difference. But I did nurse the hope that my voice might combine with those of others – teachers, writers, activists and ordinary folks – to educate the public about the folly of the course on which the nation has embarked. I hoped that those efforts might produce a political climate conducive to change. I genuinely believed that if the people spoke, our leaders in Washington would listen and respond.

This, I can now see, was an illusion.

The people have spoken, and nothing of substance has changed. The November 2006 midterm elections signified an unambiguous repudiation of the policies that landed us in our present predicament. But half a year later, the war continues, with no end in sight. Indeed, by sending more troops to Iraq (and by extending the tours of those, like my son, who were already there), Bush has signaled his complete disregard for what was once quaintly referred to as “the will of the people.”

To be fair, responsibility for the war’s continuation now rests no less with the Democrats who control Congress than with the president and his party. After my son’s death, my state’s senators, Edward Kennedy and John Kerry, telephoned to express their condolences. Stephen Lynch, our congressman, attended my son’s wake. Kerry was present for the funeral mass. My family and I greatly appreciated such gestures. But when I suggested to each of them the necessity of ending the war, I got the brushoff. More accurately, after ever so briefly pretending to listen, each treated me to a convoluted explanation that said in essence: Don’t blame me.

(more here…)

Jane Harman decided in the end to at least feint in the direction of the good citizens of Torrance California who had just that week sacrificed two of their young men to a war they do not support and which they believe is contrary to the national interest. They are not alone.

Sixty-one percent of Americans say the United States should have stayed out of Iraq and 76 percent say things are going badly there, including 47 percent who say things are going very badly, the poll found.

Perhaps Harman’s vote was a cynical capitulation to the brainless hippies, as Klein implies. But perhaps it’s also true that the 65% who are people like her constituents deserve to have at least a tiny bit of representation in the congress too, even if the much wiser beltway wags think they should allow their betters to make the big decisions while they just send in their tax money and watch “American Idol” — something which I’m sure people in Torrance would be happy to do except for the fact that members of their own families, schoolmates and friends are being killed.

This isn’t one of those issues where you can tell your constituents that you “know better.” The good citizens of Torrance California have proved, in the most painful way possible, that they have a stake in this thing and they deserve to be heard. And I would imagine that a good many of them feel as helpless, angry and defeated as Andrew Bacevich does today. The least their representatives can do is represent them. If they don’t, those good citizens of Torrance (and good citizens all over the United States) are going to find people who will.

.

Giuliani Time

by digby

Ask and ye shall receive. Here’s Thomas Edsall in TNR with an interesting take on Rudy’s effect on the GOP.

Giuliani is the beneficiary of an upheaval within the Republican electorate–an upheaval that was catalyzed by September 11 but is becoming apparent only now, as the GOP hosts its first primary battle since the terrorist attacks. In brief, among Republican voters, the litmus test issues of abortion and gay marriage have been losing traction, subordinated to the Iraq war and terrorism. According to the Pew Research Center, 31 percent of GOP voters name Iraq as their top priority, and 17 percent choose terrorism and security. Just 7 percent name abortion and 1 percent name gay marriage.

The roots of this transformation predate September 11 and are partly the result of demographics. The lions of the Christian right–Pat Robertson, Jerry Falwell, James Dobson–no longer dominate Republican politics as they once did. Their grip is slackening as their older followers are slowly replaced by a generation for which the social, cultural, and sexual mores that were overturned by the 1960s are history, not memory. In retrospect, these men reached the height of their power in the late ’80s, when, by a 51-to-42 majority, voters agreed that “school boards ought to have the right to fire teachers who are known homosexuals.” Now a decisive 66-to-28 majority disagrees, according to Pew. In 1987, the electorate was roughly split on the question of whether “aids might be God’s punishment for immoral sexual behavior.” Today, 72 percent disagree with that statement, while just 23 percent concur.

Giuliani is on the cutting edge of these trends, seeking to exploit new ideological lines between conservatism and liberalism. He rejects conservatism based on sexuality and reproductive issues; and his personal life amounts to a repudiation of conservatism focused on family structure, parental responsibility, fidelity, and lifelong monogamy. Ed Gillespie, former chairman of the Republican National Committee, notes that, even as voters learn about Giuliani’s more centrist positions, “it does not seem to move his numbers.” The former mayor, Gillespie says, is “challenging the notion that abortion and gay marriage are vote-determinative for everybody in the party.”

It isn’t just average voters who are driving this shift; many members of the GOP elite–whose overwhelming concern is cutting taxes, a Giuliani forte–would privately welcome the chance to downplay, if not discard, the party’s rearguard war against the sexual and women’s rights revolutions. Much of the Republican Party’s consulting community and country club elite always viewed abortion and gay rights as distasteful but necessary tools to win elections, easily disposable once they no longer served their purpose. Now, with most of the leading GOP contenders demonstrating at best equivocal support for the sexual status quo ante, that time appears to be drawing near.

For the moment, at least, September 11 has replaced abortion, gay marriage, and other social-sexual matters as the issue that binds the GOP together as a party. And no one, of course, owns September 11 quite like Rudy Giuliani. “This is a different world from 2000, when we last had Republican primaries without an incumbent president. 9/11 scrambled the priorities, and it may very well be that the war on terror pushes social issues down,” says Whit Ayres, a Georgia-based pollster currently unaffiliated with any presidential campaign. “Giuliani is an authentic American hero, and Southerners love American heroes.” No wonder the Yankee centrist suddenly has a chance in South Carolina.

I agree with the fact that the GOP is ready to vote for “a hero,” but I don’t think it signals any kind of substantive change in the GOP. The “values” obsession was just the code of the times for the standard Southern Strategy of white male prerogatives and macho ass-kicking that the Republicans have been running on for 40 years. They are just once more re-packaging their tired old crap in patriotism instead of the Bible, (which they often cycle with “states rights” and “traditional values” among other things.)

Nothing has changed. The Republicans are actually just being more honest than they’ve been in recent years when they didn’t have a boogeyman to beat liberals over the head with and needed to erase the hideous image of that nasty man Newt Gingrich as the face of the Republican Party. “Values” was always just the girly-man version of “Giuliani Time.”

The modern Republican party is all about authoritarianism, militarism and domination over minorities, women and gays. Rudy is a perfect candidate. After all, there is no candidate in the race who has humiliated women more masterfully or condoned official violence against racial minorities with more fervor. Of course the South Carolina Republicans love him.

And this is why Democrats should stop running their campaigns based upon whatever stupid bumper sticker the GOP comes up every few years with and figure out how to beat them at the basic game they are playing.

*I should note that the conservative evangelical poohbahs are not going to be happy about publicly losing clout. But they’ll go along because Rudy will promise them some good stuff — which he will fail to deliver. That’s how it works. I see no reason to believe it’s going to change.

.

Ballbusters On Parade

by digby

Oh dear. Chris Matthews has a full on woody on television right now over the Hillary Clinton books. He’s so excited, he’s brought in right wing blow-up doll Melanie Morgan to give him his happy ending.

I’ve never seen anything quite like this. I’m afraid he’s going to have a heart attack. Check it out.

Update: Here’s a rough “transcript”:

Matthews: What kind of man am I?

Morgan:A real man. A kind man.

Matthews: I’m not kind.

Morgan:I don’t mean weak, like many men. I mean the kindness that comes from an inner power so strong that every act is more proof of that power. Women resent that. That’s why they try to cut you down. Because your knowledge is so true that it exposes the lies which every scheming one of them lives by. It takes a true woman to understand the purest form of love. To love a man who denies himself to her. A man who inspires worship. Because he has no need for any woman. Because he has himself. And who is better, more beautiful more powerful, more perfect…(You’re getting hard) …More masculine, extraordinary… More robust… (It’s rising)… more virile, domineering … More irresistible…

(It’s up in the air!)

Oh, When I Look Back Now…

by digby

That summer seemed to last forever… Those were the best days of my life

So, our old pal ex-New York Times reporter Jeff Gerth is reliving his glory days, this time turning a nice profit at Clinton scandal mongering. Good for him. He was always under-compensated for the good work he did for the GOP Noise Machine and he deserves a little ‘o that Wingnut Welfare cash too. It’s only right.

I haven’t read the book, so I won’t comment on the substance. I have read Gerth’s work before, however, and let’s just say that after his “investigations” of Whitewater and Wen Ho Lee, he has a teensy tiny credibility problem. Much like his fellow NY Times reporter Judy Miller, he seems to be just a tad gullible when it comes to his wingnut sources. It would appear from early reports about the book that he hasn’t learned his lesson.

But everyone should know all this, particularly the DC press corps and political establishment. More than a decade ago, Gene Lyons wrote the definitive work on Jeff Gerth and the NY Times‘infantile willingness to believe even the most cracked stories about the Clintons, with his series of articles for Harper’s that were later turned into the book “Fools for Scandal: How the Media Invented Whitewater

Here’s just a little taste. (Be sure to read the entire article if you haven’t already — and get the book if you want to know the genesis of the bloggers’ critique of the mainstream media. Lyons was ahead of all of us.)

The same faults that mar Jeff Gerth’s reporting on Whitewater–misleading innuendo and ignorance or suppression of exculpatory facts–also showed up in the Times accounts of Hillary Rodham Clinton’s commodity trades with Springdale attorney Jim Blair and her husband’s dealings with Tyson Foods. “During Mr. Clinton’s tenure in Arkansas,” Gerth wrote near the top of his March 18, 1994, front-page account, “Tyson benefited from a variety of state actions, including $9 million in government loans, the placement of company executives on important state boards and favorable decisions on environmental issues.” The alleged $9 million in loans was the implied quid pro quo for old pal Blair’s generous tips to Hillary in the 1970s that helped her turn $ 1,000 into nearly $ 100,000.

Following Gerth’s report, the incriminating $9 million figure appeared virtually everywhere. The Times itself weighed in with a March 31 editorial called “Arkansas Secrets,” attacking the “seedy appearances” of Bill and Hillary Clinton’s “extraordinary indifference to…the normal divisions between government and personal interests.” The same editorial went on to deride what it called “the Arkansas Defense”: that “you cannot apply the standards of the outside world to Arkansas, where a thousand or so insiders run things in a loosey-goosey way that may look unethical or even illegal to outsiders.” Nor have Times editorial writers been the only ones to scold the Clintons for succumbing to the lax moral climate of the president’s native state. The Baltimore Sun, Spiro Agnew’s hometown paper, opined that the First Lady’s adventures in the cow trade “certainly don’t smell right, especially considering that Jim Blair represented a giant, influential agribusiness firm in Arkansas that later received what seemed to be favors from Gov. Clinton.”

Newsweek’s Joe Klein wrote of the President’s “multiple-personality disorder,” involving a moderate Clinton, a liberal Clinton, and “the likely suspect in the Whitewater inquiry, a pragmatic power politician who did whatever necessary to get and keep office in Arkansas…granting low-interest loans to not-very-needy business interests, who in turn contributed generously to his political campaigns. This Clinton snuggled up close to the Arkansas oligarchs, the bond daddies and chicken pluckers–and never quite escaped the orbit of the shadowy Stephens brothers, Witt and Jackson.” (Witt Stephens has been dead for three years, and Jack Stephens is a Reagan Republican who has bankrolled nearly every Clinton opponent–except Sheffield Nelson–since the early 1980s.)

There’s just one problem with this chorus of self-righteous denunciation: the $9 million in loans that inspired it never existed. Especially attentive readers of the New York Times may have noticed an odd little item in the daily “Corrections” column on April 20, 1994:

An article on March 18 about Hillary Rodham Clinton’s commodity trades misstated benefits that the Tyson Foods company received from the state of Arkansas. Tyson did not receive $9 million in loans from the state; the company did benefit from at least $ 7 million in state tax credits, according to a Tyson spokesman.

Gerth blames a chart misread on deadline.

At the time, the entire establishment was reporting exotic Arkansas tales with all the breathless excitement of recently deflowered sorority girls on the morning after. From his perch outside the beltway, Lyons watched the naive city boys from the Times land in Little Rock en masse and get conned by a bunch of slick three card monty playing locals (with the help of some strategically placed Scaife cash.) PBS caught up with him in 1997, as Starr’s investigation into Whitewater still raged and before the Monica soap opera:

Lyons: … what has been shocking to me as a reporter and journalist is the performance of the national press in failing to examine, in fact almost making it verboten to examine the elaborate record that is there.

Why do you think that is? Ask [sic] the political reporters at the nation’s leading newspapers just a bunch of ideologically driven nitwits?

Lyons: No . . . I should explain to people that my background is I started at this as an academic, I was an English professor . . . I never was in the daily newspaper business until I started writing a column, I never had any real consuming interest in politics and didn’t write about it hardly at all until the local newspaper asked me to write a political column that would balance their coverage. The paper I work for is strongly Republican . . . . I, in my naiveté, imagined that the national political press operated with the same values I learned in academia, in monthly journalism and book writing and in the law.

And what I’ve found to my great surprise is . . . that the Washington political press is more obsessed with order and degree than any group of mammals I’ve ever encountered outside of high school guidance counselors and my horses. There is a firm pecking order. And the question I get asked again and again is: “If The New York Times says A and The Washington Post says B , who exactly are you, how do you dare contradict them? And I’ve found by and large the national press doesn’t contradict them and beyond that they take extreme umbrage at anybody else having the nerve to contradict them.

I think what happened very early on is The New York Times and The Washington Post and several of the camp followers that run along behind them like Time and Newsweek committed themselves to a “prosecution-only” version of the story essentially because they’d taken the story from Republican operatives to start with who suppressed half the information in the story, basically all the exculpatory evidence . . . . I think they committed themselves to this version of the story and I can’t understand for the life of me why they can’t back out, but they don’t seem to be able to or willing…..

I said this in my book: the reason the general public has grown weary and bored with this whole thing, I think is, twofold: the thoughtful, the politically obsessed people who do things like watch C-Span, would watch the hearings of Senator D’Amato’s committee, they would listen to the testimony then they would pick up the newspaper the next morning and then be amazed by the digression between what they thought happened and what they read in the newspapers. I think that a lot of politically active people were amazed and embarrassed by that and other people have just gotten bored and confused, to think that after all these years you still can’t read a comprehensive account in, say, five hundred words or less of exactly what the Clintons supposedly did wrong here and they’ve decided that its all politics.

But what drives that kind of reporting? Is it ideological or does it have something to do with the mechanics of the news business, of not wanting to be beaten on a story or to seem soft on a politician?

Lyons: Some of it is ideological but not in The New York Times or The Washington Post, I don’t think. I think that’s more a matter of careerism: people are committed to a certain version of the story and ‘hey don’t dare go back.’ I don’t know why. If I get something wrong in my column I’m willing to come back a few weeks later and say, “Gee, I was sure wrong about that.” It seems to me you have to be if you want to retain any credibility.

(It sounds remarkably like the Bush administration, doesn’t it?)

Gerth is still full of bluster and the Times has never accounted for its egregious coverage of the Clintons’ Arkansas period. The Judith Miller reporting wasn’t the first time the Republicans leaked information to the Times so they could use the Times‘ reputation for being “liberal” as well as the “paper of record” for rank partisan purposes. (“Even the liberal NY Times says …”) They’ve been doing it for years.

Here’s a little retrospective of the Wen Ho Lee debacle from the Columbia Journalism Review in 2001:

No one at the Times is even remotely speaking of the Wen Ho Lee story as fundamentally wrong, or suggesting publicly that it represents some kind of systemic failure at the paper. But individual editors do seem somewhat chastened by the experience and willing to discuss some of the lessons there may be for future investigative stories. “I think that the danger of investigative journalism broadly is to have too prosecutorial a tone,” says Abramson, “and in hindsight, going over those stories and rereading them as I did, many times, there are a few instances of that — words, balancing paragraphs, that would have been better to be higher in the stories.”

Times editors also point out that Notra Trulock, after leaving the Energy Department, became a spokesman for the conservative Free Congress Foundation, raising concerns that he may have had something of a political agenda. But they deny that Risen or Gerth was duped by Trulock or anyone else.

For his part, Trulock denies having any agenda beyond shoring up what he saw as lax security in government labs. He says he voted twice for Bill Clinton, and that he took his current job because it was the only one he could find in the wake of the Wen Ho Lee episode. He was out of work for three months, he says, and on April 5 filed for personal bankruptcy.[Trulock also had a long history of inflammatory posts on Free Republic. He was a wingnut of the highest order. — digby]

The centrality of Trulock’s role in the Wen Ho Lee saga underscores, for some Times editors, a subtle and humbling lesson for all reporters — that one need not be gullible to be misled. “Trulock,” says Keller, “was putting the direst possible face on what he knew in order to get the attention of the people who he thought were not paying proper attention. His point of view resonated in the echo chamber of Washington to such an extent that it influenced the vetting process that the reporters went through. Jeff Gerth and Jim Risen published stories that had multiple, multiple sources and the sources were all confirming that yes, Trulock had given this briefing and, yes, this document said such and such and it all tended to reinforce it. But what wasn’t really clear from the reporting at the time was how much of the confirmation was in fact an echo of Trulock’s own briefings.” Those briefings, numbering about sixty, occurred on the Hill, at agencies, and throughout Washington. Their contents, Keller says, “would pop up in intelligence reports and in congressional reports and White House briefings. You could find endless numbers of sources who had heard the same information, but a lot of it was Trulock confirming Notra Trulock.” Engelberg draws a similar lesson. “What we learned from this — and it’s something we already knew, but one needs to be reminded again and again — is that what you hear in Washington, what you think you’re hearing, what you think you’re seeing, is not ever the whole story. Washington is full of people whose knowledge is derivative.

“To me,” says Engelberg, “this points up the great fallacy. There is a belief in our business that if you can get two or three sources to say the same thing or if you can find a document on which this is written, then you have something you can write because if you have two sources it must be true. Of course the answer is two people who don’t know anything agreeing on the same story is not nearly as good as one person who knows something. So you get at the question of not only who is talking and how many, but what is the basis of their knowledge?”

That was 2001, folks. Sound familiar?

It seems to take a long time for the NY Times to understand they have a problem. Unfortunately for the United States, the Republican Party hitmen figured out how to punk them a long time ago. (And I’m sure they will be back at it as soon as they catch their breath and hide all their ill gotten gains from looting the treasury.)

I do think it’s important to stress that, as far as I know, neither Don Van Atta or James Risen are in the same category as Jeff Gerth and Judith Miller. They have both done other good work. But it’s a problem when reporters share by-lines with reporters who have credibility problems and Gerth has a massive credibility problem. It’s a shame that Van Natta is going to get singed by them. (Of course, he may be in total agreement with Gerth that the NY Times Whitewater coverage was perfectly fine. I don’t honestly know one way or the other.)

The Clinton stuff does not seem to have the resonance it once did. I saw Bay Buchanan hawking her new Hillary smear job on CNN yesterday and Blitzer pretty much rolled his eyes. (When he asked if she was qualified to say Clinton has a “narcissistic personality disorder,” Buchanan relied “I have a PHD in life.” Me too!) I’m sure it will please the neanderthal base to have their favorite whipping girl back, but only Chris Matthews and the NY Times among the mainstrem media seem to be as obsessed with Clinton gossip as they used to be.

But, I have to ask: why haven’t one of these marquee writers from New York come up with a tell all Giuliani book? If they love the tabloid garbage so much, here’s a guy with ties to the mob, a marriage to his second cousin, an ugly divorce and video of him in a dress being nuzzled by Donald Trump. I know it isn’t a riveting as regurgitated gossip about Hillary Clinton from the 1980’s but at least it’s fresh. I really would be interested in knowing what makes Giuliani tick. He seems like a thug to me — someone please explain why the most important city in the world elected this neanderthal mayor?

Do you suppose if we paid a right wing hit man big bucks to hand it off to a NY Times reporter over breakfast at the St Regis, they might jump on it just out of habit?

* Be sure to check out The Howler for additional coverage on Gerth if you’re interested in this story. “The analysts” did a very thorough job of it, as always.

Update:
I’m very reliably informed that Van Natta is a Clinton slammer from way back.

.

My Cool New Job

by tristero

You are reading a blog post by the next head of the Metropolitan Transit Transportation Authority.* That’s right. I’ve decided to give up music and get a real job. I’m gonna run the New York subway system, the bus lines, and regulate bridge and tunnel tolls.

Now, this career change might strike some of you as a bit odd. After all, what the hell does a musican know about transit systems? What qualifies me for such a complicated and important new gig? Quite a bit. it turns out.

You see, dear friends, I have travelled widely around New York City. Therefore, I know how to run the Metropolitan area transit system as well as anyone.

What? You think I’m joking? You think my wide travels around the City don’t amount to a hill of beans when it comes to considering my suitability to run the MTA? Oh, please, that kind of thinking is so outmoded, it’s totally Second Millennium. That’s not the way we do things today:

The White House is starting to draw up a list of potential nominees to lead the World Bank, and former U.S. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, a heart surgeon who has traveled widely in Africa, is getting especially close scrutiny for the job.

Y’see? In order to be considered seriously as the new head of the World Bank, all you need as background is to have travelled widely in Africa. Well, people, I can assure you that while I have no doubt that Frist has indeed travelled widely in Africa, I have travelled much more widely over and under New York. Truth be told, I’m totally over qualified to lead the MTA.

And when I get the job, all Hullabaloo readers will get to ride the BMT lines free, from midnight to six in the morning. Top that, Bill Frist!

*Some smarty-pants in comments thinks that because I don’t know what MTA even stands for I’m not qualified. Yeah, right, like I’m supposed to know all the little details of the job before I get started. You think Bill Frist knows what loan amortization is? Or how to find Kenya on a map? You think that means he can’t run the World Bank? Get serious!

Whew!

by digby

I just heard that both Clinton and Obama voted against the supplemental. So, despite it being a grave disappointment that it passed without timetables (or anything useful) at least we won’t have to listen to the Republicans taunting Democrats for the next year or more about how the top candidates refused to use the power of the purse if they thought the war was such a bad idea. I was already exhausted by the prospect of listening to them drone on and on about “voting for it while being against it.”

This is clean. And it happens to be the right thing to do too, so good for them.

Update: I think Kevin is right about this. One of the biggest problems confronting us is that the political class relies on the punditocrisy’s flawed historical interpretation of events. Gingrich didn’t lose in the 1995 government stand-off because the president had the bully pubpit; he lost because his reasoning for the shut-down was unpopular. he wanted to cut social programs and that wasn’t supported. The press just couldn’t wrap their minds around the idea the idea that the citizens of the United States might just be able to understand things without the lens of personality and sophomoric turf battles the insiders use. They saw the whole thing as some sort of battle of the titans that Clinton won because he had a “single message” and Ginrich had to put up with a fractious caucus. It didn’t occur to any of them that the people might have supported Clinton because they liked the substance of what he was saying. Who gives a damn about substance, right?

Update II:

Here are the statements from Kucinich, Edwards, Clinton, Dodd, Richardson and Obama.

Biden voted for it.

Gravel is for immediate withdrawal.

.