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Month: September 2011

One sided bipartisanship

One sided bipartisanship

by digby

Michael Tomasky does an interesting analysis of the congressional support for Bush vs Obama. He discusses a number of high profile votes and crunches the numbers, coming up with this:

Here’s how it all adds up:

Average Democratic Senate support for Bush: 45.5 percent.
Average Democratic House support for Bush: 36.8 percent.
Average combined Democratic support for Bush: 41.1 percent.
Average Republican Senate support for Obama: 8.8 percent.
Average Republican House support for Obama: 2.7 percent.
Average combined Republican support for Obama: 5.75 percent.

It’s fairly clear that the “both sides do it” trope is nonsense. And to my eyes, knowing the kind of centrist and right wing policies the president has proposed, it shows just how radical the Republicans have become.

However, judging from how the Villagers have interpreted this sort of result in the past rather than it being proof that the Republicans are mindlessly obstructionist, it proves that the country is “center-right.” The point isn’t that Republicans refuse to vote for a “liberal” president’s proposals, it’s that all those Democrats voted with President Bush. That’s how you “get things done in Washington.”

And they’re not entirely wrong, unfortunately. The fact is that in Washington the only things that are even contemplated in the first place are center-right or right wing policies and the only way to “get them done” is to let Republicans do them with Democratic help. Anything else is considered out of the mainstream, regardless of the substance.

Still, it’s good to see the numbers laid out so starkly. There can be no doubt of the imbalance. The only question is what it means.

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The worst idea of all

The Worst Idea Of All

by digby

Well hell:

That’s the “liberal” wing of the party saying that.

I’ve been reluctant to get myself too worked up over this because frankly, I have been in a little bit of denial that the Democrats were serious. Until the President put it on the menu in his quest for the Grand Bargain, I don’t think I’d even heard more than an occasional furtive whisper about this. In fact, it was only a couple of years ago that the idea of lowering the medicare age was taken quite seriously by most of the Democratic party (until Joe Lieberman took the bullet.) This idea was so far out that I couldn’t imagine them actually doing it. Well, it looks like they could. Or at the very least, the Democrats are normalizing the idea for future use. I can hardly believe it.

In case you are wondering why this petrifies someone like me — a 50 something baby boomer who is already paying far more for insurance than I can reasonably afford — here’s a list of the reasons:

How bad is this idea? We only have a few hundred words to make our case and about 24 hours to do it, so we’d have to warp the space/time continuum to include all the reasons why it’s so misguided. Since we don’t have the budget for that, we’ll just hit eight of the high points for now:

1. It would save money at the Federal level — but it would cost more everywhere else.

A Kaiser Foundation study concluded that “raising Medicare’s eligibility to 67 in 2014 would generate an estimated $5.7 billion in net savings to the federal government, but also result in an estimated net increase of $3.7 billion in out-of-pocket costs for 65-and 66-year-olds, and $4.5 billion in employer retiree health-care costs.”

So it would save $5.7 billion from the Federal budget in the first year, but it would cost everyone else $8.2 billion. That means it would increase health care costs by $2.5 billion. (We do the math so you don’t have to.) Who would benefit from a lower Federal deficit? High earners who want to cut spending so they’re not pressured to pay more taxes. Who would get hurt? Older Americans, employers, and anybody on an employee benefit plan. That’s government of the rich, for the rich, and by the rich.

2. It’s brutal on seniors. In fact, it’s like a 20 percent cut in Social Security benefits.

The Kaiser Foundation says that “Among the estimated 5 million affected 65-and 66-year-olds, about two in three would pay an average of $2,200 more for their health care in 2014 than they would have paid if covered under Medicare.”

The average Social Security retireee receives about $11,000 per year in benefits. Making this change is like reducing Social Security benefits 20 percent for 3.3 million people.

The Kaiser study adds: “Nearly one in three, however, are expected to have lower out-of-pocket spending, mainly due to the health reform law’s coverage expansions through Medicaid and the premium tax credits available to low-and moderate-income Americans.”

Unfortunately, that assumes that Medicaid will survive the deep cuts being planned for that program, and that devastated state budgets will be able to assume the extra costs. It also assumes that last year’s health bill will survive the attempts to gut it — attempts which now unfortunately include this proposal.

3. It would lead to benefit cuts and create more job discrimination against older workers.

The Kaiser study cites the problems that employee retirement health benefits are having with costs. As a result, these programs are being slashed already and this change would make the situation much worse. It would also increase costs on health plans for active workers, which would lead to even more benefit cuts for working Americans.

And it makes it almost inevitable that job discrimination against older workers will get worse. Employers try to weed them out of the workforce just to keep their health care costs down.

4. Its impact is made even worse by the president’s demand that a “health excise tax” on higher-cost plans be included in last year’s health bill.

The president reneged on a campaign pledge to oppose taxes on higher-cost health plans, a McCain idea he mocked at the time. He had it right back then. “Luxury health benefits” (which are very rare for non-executives in real life) have very little effect on health plan costs. The age, sex, and location of employees are the real cost drivers. Then, in one of his few direct interventions in the legislative process for the health bill, he demanded that this tax be included in the final product.

Raising the retirement age would make this tax even costlier, multiplying the unfairness of the original health excise tax.

5. The number of uninsured Americans will go up.

This change undercuts one of the stated goals of last year’s health bill: reducing the number of uninsured Americans. Private health insurers are allowed to charge much higher premiums to older Americans, but the tax penalty for going without insurance is the same.

That means many older Americans are likely to pay the penalty, since they won’t be able to afford the massive premiums they’ll face — even after they receive any government subsidies.

6. Health system costs will increase, too.

We already pay far more than any other industrialized nation for health care. Why? Because too much of our health system is run by private insurers who take a profit for themselves and have no real incentive to control costs or improve quality.

Most of our best cost and quality initiatives come from Medicare and Medicaid. The less medical care they manage, the more overall costs are likely to rise.

7. It doesn’t address the real cost problem — chronic health conditions.

Data analysis shows that our real cost problem comes from people with intensive and frequently chronic health conditions. Five percent of the population accounts for nearly half of all health care costs, while the lowest-cost 50 percent only make up 3 percent of the cost. As you’d expect, older people are much more likely to be in the high-cost group.

Five health conditions account for a great deal of this cost: heart problems, diabetes, cancer, mental disorders, and pulmonary conditions. The best way for Medicare to reduce these costs is by identifying these conditions as quickly as possible and managing them aggressively.

Raising the retirement age will make it more difficult to do that, not less. Even worse, it’s another example of our leaders shifting cost onto financially-strapped private citizens rather than addressing the real problem.

8. It’s a step in the wrong direction.

We should be expanding Medicare, not downsizing it. Last year the Senate gave some consideration to making Medicare available to anyone over the age of 55, which is an excellent idea. This bill moves us in the other direction, placing the higher-cost needs of 66 and 67-year-old Americans in the hands of underskilled and overly profit-driven private insurers.

It’s a fabulous idea to have older Americans go without health insurance, don’t you think? Because believe me, that’s exactly what people with modest means will likely do if they aren’t fortunate enough to be working in a secure job. Even with the ACA the cost is going to be quite high for the self-employed making over 30k a year or so and a fair number of them are going to just cross their fingers and hope they don’t have a heart attack or get cancer before they turn 67.

This is lunacy, totally ridiculous. The problem of Medicare costs is the problem of health care costs in general and this way of “fixing” the problem is to lay off more of those costs on senior citizens — the sickest people in the population. Even if you think the ACA is going to emerge from all the legal and political assaults unscathed and at some point turn into a wonderful universal program for people of all ages, it will still be a huge additional burden on the population that needs health care the most.

I’ve already detailed why this is politically inane in previous posts. But I’m not even going to argue that point anymore. If even the liberal members of congress are contemplating this then the politics are no longer my concern because nobody will be representing my interests in this battle.

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Just a reminder by David Atkins

Just a reminder
by David Atkins (“thereisnospoon”)

In case everyone forgot, here is the beginning of the memo President Bush received on August 6th, 2001:

Clandestine, foreign government, and media reports indicate bin Laden since 1997 has wanted to conduct terrorist attacks in the US. Bin Laden implied in U.S. television interviews in 1997 and 1998 that his followers would follow the example of World Trade Center bomber Ramzi Yousef and “bring the fighting to America.”

President Bush’s response:

Bush reportedly heard the briefer out and replied: “All right. You’ve covered your ass, now.”

Enjoy your weekend of non-stop 9/11 retrospectives on TV, none of which will be as poignant or as relevant as what has just been posted here.

Oh, and did I mention that Bin Laden is dead, and that it took a Democrat in the White House to finish the job?

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Falsely Overinformed

Falsely Overinformed

by digby

Over at Whiskey Fire, Thers made an interesting observation the other day:

Like most college comp instructors, every semester I give students a brief essay assignment at the start of the term in order to get a sense of their writing skills. I want to know where they are individually, and I want to know where they are as a group. And I want to see if anyone got themselves placed into to one of my sections despite their obvious need for remediation. Standard stuff.

I usually ask them to tell me what they think the most serious problem facing the nation is right now, and how they might solve it. They can say whatever they want; I don’t care if they pick terrorism or The Zombie Apocalypse. I just need to see how they write.

Looking at their papers this week and thinking back to past semesters, I’m struck by a certain phenomenon.

By far, most students unsurprisingly say the economy is our biggest problem. But what’s intersting is that the students who seem the most familiar with the current National Discourse are more likely to identify the Deficit as the danger. Students less familiar with the ND are more likely to cite unemployment.

By more familiar I mean the students who use quotes or statistics (even though I didn’t ask for these), or else mention events like the asinine Default Drama or the latest jobs report. By less familiar I mean students who rely mostly on their own observations and experiences.

How interesting. It turns out that normal people (i.e. those who don’t pay attention to the gibbering of the Village)have an instinctive understanding of what’s going on while those who absorb the misinformation don’t. Whodda thunk?

This shouldn’t surprise me, I guess. It takes a lot of work to sort through the political bullshit we read and see everyday. If you don’t hear it at all, you are almost surely better off than if you just follow the news cycle superficially. Maybe these so-called “low information” voters aren’t so low information after all. Or perhaps it’s just that many of the rest of us are “wrong information” voters.

Either way, those of us who are struggling to understand why the elites are so out of touch should probably go for the simple answer — the problem is the media.

h/t to RP

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Looks who’s knocking at the door

Look who’s knocking at the door

by digby

Right Wing Watch is reporting that Conservative Christians are starting to get a little bit concerned about Reconstructionism. It seems it isn’t just a paranoid liberal fantasy after all:

Janet Mefferd, one of the leading Christian conservative radio talk show hosts in the country, dedicated show yesterday to discussing the rise of dominionism in conservative politics. Along with her guest, “Christian apologist” Robert Bowman of the Institute for Religious Research, Mefferd expressed her grave concerns about the growing influence of dominionists and their participation in Texas Gov. Rick Perry’s The Response prayer rally. They defined dominionism as the belief that fundamentalist Christians should have control over positions of political power and administer law according to Biblical precepts.The whole program is worth listening to, as Bowman and Mefferd discuss the New Apostolic Reformation, the Seven Mountains mandate, and Christian Reconstructionism from a conservative point of view.

Maybe this is just a standard turf battle, but from the sound of that program they are really worried, particularly in light of the leading GOP presidential candidate’s embrace of these people. Up until now they haven’t been a huge part of the rather large social conservative faction. But they’re being mainstreamed into the Christian Right:

Throughout the program, Bowman notes that many in the Religious Right have embraced dominion theology even if they don’t refer to themselves as dominionists and Mefferd was concerned about how “longtime, reputable evangelical leaders” have joined forces with avowed dominionists because of their shared panic that they are losing the fight on social issues like marriage and abortion.

Mefferd specifically pointed to The Response as a prayer rally where dominionists were “mainstreamed,” as traditional Religious Right leaders like James Dobson, Don Wildmon and Tony Perkins shared the stage with New Apostolic Reformation leaders like Mike Bickle and Alice Patterson, and the rally’s official endorses included NAR figures C. Peter Wagner, Cindy Jacobs, Che Ahn and John Benefiel.

Seriously, when “mainstream” is Dobson, Wildman and Perkins, you know you are dealing with some real kooks. Not that Dobson, Wildman and Perkins probably care — they’re political creatures first and foremost. But their followers should. These Reconstructionists aren’t exactly pluralistic or tolerant of any deviation from their true path. And if history is any guide, the first people they go after are on their side of the street.

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“I so want drug testing. I so want it”

“I so want drug testing, I so want it”

by digby
Arthur Delaney reports on the latest GOP method to torture the unemployed:

South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley (R) wants the jobless pass a drug test before they can receive benefits, but she seems to have an exaggerated sense of drug use among the unemployed.”I so want drug testing. I so want it,” Haley said during a Thursday question-and-answer session at the Lexington Rotary Club. She noted that the government had to make sure it would be feasible: “We have to make sure this works. We have to see what the return is on it. And, we have to see federally and legally if we can do it.”Haley said scads of job applicants flunked a drug test at the Savannah River Site, a nuclear reservation along the Savannah River.”Down on River Site, they were hiring a few hundred people, and when we sat down and talked to them — this was back before the campaign — when we sat down and talked to them, they said of everybody they interviewed, half of them failed a drug test, and of the half that was left, of that 50 percent, the other half couldn’t read and write properly,” Haley said.”That’s what we have in South Carolina,” she continued. “We don’t have an unemployment problem. We have an education and poverty problem.”

Let’s assume for a minute that she’s even remotely sincere. Does she really believe that drug use is a matter of education and poverty? She must think those Wall Street guys she parties with are just extremely energetic workaholics.
Of course, the whole thing is nothing more than a coded racist dog whistle anyway — and a complete lie on top of it:

Jim Giusti, a spokesman for the Department of Energy, which owns the River Site, told HuffPost he had no idea what Haley was talking about with regard to applicants flunking a drug test.

“Half the people who applied for a job last year or year 2009 did not fail the drug test,” Giusti said. “At the peak of hiring under the Recovery Act we had less than 1 percent of those hired test positive.”

The River Site doesn’t even test applicants. “We only test them when they have been accepted,” Giusti said.

A spokesman for Gov. Haley did not respond to requests for comment.

The unemployment rate in South Carolina, which recently trimmed benefits for the jobless, is 10.9 percent.

According to the National Employment Law Project, a worker advocacy group, no state has ever instituted mandatory drug tests for the jobless to receive unemployment benefits, though Wisconsin and Indiana have passed laws that disqualify the jobless from benefits if they fail a prospective employer’s drug test.

NELP opposes the policy, noting its dubious constitutionality and impracticality — not to mention the huge indignity it would inflict on the jobless.

Oh, who cares about that?

This one’s right up there with Tom Coburn’s insistence that lesbian middle schoolers were molesting so many girls in the bathrooms that the girls were forced to go in pairs.

It’s very telling what these people are willing to believe, isn’t it?

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Unstable and Unpredictable Outcomes

Unstable and Unpredictable Outcomes

by digby

Charlie Cook has a must read piece today that I thinks we all need to digest and think about. Unfortunately, it’s not good, but there’s no point in putting our heads in the sand:

Now that you have heard, or at least read about, Obama’s address to Congress and the Republicans’ reaction, spend 10 minutes looking at “A Pivot Point in American Opinion: The Debt-Ceiling Negotiation and Its Consequences” here. It’s a fascinating and sobering 36-slide presentation of polling data, focus-group findings, and observations prepared by Republican pollster Bill McInturff. After reading McInturff’s report, ask yourself whether anything either the president or Republican congressional leaders said fundamentally changes the jobless problem, the political climate, or, for that matter, the way you perceive the players in Washington.

McInturff’s thesis is that over the past 30 years, certain “signal events” have come to define American politics and change the course of history. Specifically, he points to “the Iranian hostage crisis, Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, 9/11, Hurricane Katrina, Lehman Brother’s collapse, and the recessions that defined the 1980, 1992, and 2008 presidential campaigns” as such defining events. Based on considerable polling by his firm, Public Opinion Strategies, and jointly with Democrat Peter Hart in their work on the NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll, as well as on other public polls, McInturff argues in a cover memo, “The debt-ceiling negotiation is an extremely significant event that is profoundly and sharply reshaping views of the economy and the federal government. It has led to a scary erosion in confidence in both, at a time when this steep drop in confidence can be least afforded.”

He continues, “It is important to recognize how fragile economic perceptions were headed into the final stretch of the debt-ceiling negotiation. Along with Hart Research [Associates], we have been doing economic tracking roughly every quarter from 2007 through today for CNBC. Workers’ perceptions of their likelihood to get a raise, Americans’ confidence in the stock market, and homeowners’ perceptions of their home value were as weak or weaker in June 2011 than they have been at any point during this four-year period.”

The memo goes on to assert, “Americans’ attitudes about the debt ceiling are not only based on the actual outcome but are primarily derived from the manner in which this issue was debated and resolved. Their views about this process are clear, and are overwhelmingly negative.” McInturff contends, “The perception of how Washington handled the debt-ceiling negotiation led to an immediate collapse of confidence in government and all the major players, including President Obama and Republicans in Congress.”

Moreover, he says, “the collapse of confidence in government has substantially eroded already weak consumer confidence. Today’s consumer-confidence rating is the fourth lowest since 1952. Make no mistake: This collapse of economic confidence is not an independent event driven only by economic reality. This sharp a drop in consumer confidence is a direct consequence of the lack of confidence in our political system and its leaders.”

McInturff concludes, “As our firm conducted focus groups … the change in tone in the wake of the debt-ceiling negotiation was striking. We are entering a new phase of the American political dialogue that has been irrevocably shifted in a way that will prove difficult to predict. Historically, though, this type of deep voter anger, unease, and economic pessimism leads to unstable and unpredictable political outcomes.”

Oh yeah.

And all that goes for the politically aware as well as the low information and marginally aware citizens. In fact, those of us who watched the thing unfold in daily detail were probably the most gobsmacked by what we saw, and left reeling with the knowledge that our system is not only dysfunctional but our political class is both inept and cynical to point of near chaos. I don’t think I’ve ever seen anything quite like it.

There was a lot of chatter during the lame duck that the President should get the debt ceiling out of the way as part of the deal. If it’s been shown definitively why they didn’t do that, I haven’t seen it, but the speculation was that they truly believed Boehner and Co. would have to “behave” if they wanted to be taken “seriously.” However, it seemed clear to me from January on, when Cantor famously said the debt ceiling was a “leverage” moment, that the administration had decided that was their opportunity to pass the Grand Bargain. The debacle that followed was, in my view, mostly a result of that quixotic desire.
History has shown that to deal with these games of congressional chicken, particularly those that feature the toxic mix of craven politics and extremist ideology that characterizes the modern conservative movement, presidents must assert their leadership. I think this may even be a fundamental instinct — to know when it’s time to push back hard. In any case, these Republicans were already known to be lunatics, so negotiating with them as if they were responsible parties was absurd to begin with. But to do it with an eagerness to slay your own party’s sacred cows was downright delusional. Once engaged, there was no way to preserve faith in the government — the president handed all the power to the Tea Party.
Still, it was certainly possible that a Grand Bargain could have been struck on the terms the president set forth —- those terms, after all, were terms that Newt Gingrich would have thought were too radical not even a decade ago. John Boehner was certainly open to it. But this GOP is Gingrich 2.0, much more unstable, much more anarchistic. (This probably says everything you need to know about these people.) They would not take yes for an answer on the Grand Bargain.
But the final terms of the deal were hardly any better. As Boehner said, he got 98% of what he wanted, which was actually the ability to play this debate out over and over and over again, driving down the people’s faith in government even more. The president looks feckless — is feckless — every time he begs them to be “responsible” and they laugh in his face. And he scares the American people by being unwilling to face them down.
What’s more frightening than watching someone negotiate with terrorists — and lose? Even some of those who support the GOP are getting a sick feeling that this is careening out of control. That dynamic is enough to make all but the most blind partisans lose faith in the system.
Obviously, it isn’t all the president’s fault. They truly are nuts. But his approach has been wrong from the beginning, rigidly adhering to a destructive centrism and a political strategy that isn’t working, believing his own hype, refusing to accept that the country is in a political civil war that will destroy him right along with the rest of us if it goes wrong. Regardless of how much people admire him, and many do, those numbers above reflect that they feel that this country is in trouble. I don’t think they believe anymore that he can fix it.
The debt ceiling debacle was a crucible that proved government is failing. And, as McInturff says above, “historically, this type of deep voter anger, unease, and economic pessimism leads to unstable and unpredictable political outcomes.” It’s a dangerous moment.
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Enemy Number One

Enemy Number One

by digby

Gosh, I wonder why this is happening:

With threats against its employees on the rise, the Social Security Administration is banning people from visiting the agency’s field offices in person if they make threats against its workers or buildings.
[…]
Threats against SSA workers jumped to nearly 2,800 in fiscal 2010, up 43 percent from the previous year and consistent with growing threats against federal workers, lawmakers and federal court personnel.

I would imagine there’s been a rise in crazies and free floating frustration in general, just as there is throughout society right now. But I don’t think there’s much doubt that the GOP bashing of public employees and overall contempt for government has added to the problem. Indeed, we’ve had some very unpleasant acts committed by anti-government people in our not so distant past. It’s not as if these so-called leaders ever point out that public employees are just average middle class workers. To hear them tell it, they are the greatest threat threat to America after the deficit and al Qaeda. They aren’t exactly nuanced.

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This is what happens when you go on offense by David Atkins

This is what happens when you go on offense
by David Atkins (“thereisnospoon”)

I’m not going to go into too much detail on Obama’s jobs speech. It was a very good speech in terms of the rhetoric, though it lacked a bit in terms of policies proposed. Even so, I do understand and sympathize with the argument that with the economy on the precipice of “another” recession (though for most of America’s workforce, we never really left the last one), it matters most that something be able realistically to be passed.

But what I do want to focus on is the direct result of taking a bold and more aggressive rhetorical approach: you get good media coverage. Consider the New York Times at this moment.

Editorial: An aggressive Obama challenges Congress to reignite the economy:

With more than 14 million people out of work and all Americans fearing a double-dip recession, President Obama stood face to face Thursday night with a Congress that has perversely resisted lifting a finger to help. Some Republicans refused to even sit and listen. But those Americans who did heard him unveil an ambitious proposal — more robust and far-reaching than expected — that may be the first crucial step in reigniting the economy.

Paul Krugman has nice things to say. Turns out you can please an “emoprog” after all, just by showing a hint of fighting spirit:

First things first: I was favorably surprised by the new Obama jobs plan, which is significantly bolder and better than I expected. It’s not nearly as bold as the plan I’d want in an ideal world. But if it actually became law, it would probably make a significant dent in unemployment.

Even David Brooks (!) is impressed:

This is the problem the Obama administration is facing. Like everybody else, it has seen a sluggish economy come grinding to a halt. There is clearly now a significant risk of a double-dip recession. That would be terrible for America’s workers, fiscal situation and psyche. This prospect is enough to shock even us stimulus skeptics out of our long-term focus. It’s enough to force us to contemplate the possibility of another stimulus package.

The next question is this: Does the administration have any stimulus ideas that could actually stimulate? Thursday night the president gave one of the most forceful and compelling domestic policy speeches of his presidency.

Brooks is still an insufferable fool and reading his column makes me want to gouge my eyes out with a fork. But it’s inarguable that Obama is getting positive coverage both from Brooks, the Times’ biggest conservative clown, and from Paul Krugman, whom many of the President’s most ardent supporters had given up for lost.

The Washington Post is also filled with positive vibes. Dan Balz has says Obama works to seize the initiative. Chris Cillizza says that the rhetoric forms an aggressive stance. And Zachary Goldfarb’s main topline headline quotes Obama saying “You should pass this jobs plan right away.”

And for what it’s worth, the President has also won won positive coverage on this and other progressive blogs normally fairly critical of the Administration’s approach.

Compare this sort of glowing press and blog coverage to the bashing he took from both sides during the lead-up to the debt ceiling fight.

This is what happens when you go on offense. Even conservatives have been waiting for the President to punch back. They count on Democrats doing their best to uphold the economic order and keep the middle class going even as conservatives steal everything they can for their corporate friends.

Hopefully the President puts some of the fight that went into the speech, into his negotiation tactics when it comes to the jobs bill itself. If he does, he’s likely to get even more positive coverage. That would be nice, for a change, and heck–it might even help him with independents. It would certainly help more than the weak attempts at compromise with an insatiable foe he’s been making for the last many moons.

It’s nice to be on offense for a change.

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