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Month: December 2011

An interesting book about blogging (Yes, it is possible)

An interesting book about blogging

by digby

Yes, it is possible:

Every once in a while an academic will write me a note and ask me to participate in a project. Often it’s a paper of some sort or a thesis. A couple of years ago a professor at City University of New York Brooklyn College named Tanni Haas asked me to participate in a book project. Lo and behold here it is:Making it in the Political Blogosphere: The World’s Top Political Bloggers Share the Secrets to Success

It turned out to be a fascinating book featuring many smarter and more successful bloggers than I. But surprisingly, no matter where we stand on the political spectrum, we all seem to have similar views of what it takes to be a blogger. (Hint: write a lot.)

I enjoyed the book and I’d recommend to anyone who is interested in this modern form of interactive pamphleteering. Even after doing it for eight long years I found I still had things to learn.

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Film Tha Police

Film Tha Police

by digby

From the reaction of many police officers to being filmed, this may be more incendiary than the song that inspired it:

There has been a nationwide move to restrict the people’s right to film the authorities in the course of their duties and I would expect there to be much more of that as the culture of dissent explodes across the country.

In one of the most pointed opinions yet, the U.S. First Circuit ruled unanimously against the police in one of these cases:

For those of you not familiar with Simon Glik’s case, Glik was arrested on October 1, 2007, after openly using his cell phone to record three police officers arresting a suspect on Boston Common. In return for his efforts to record what he suspected might be police brutality — in a pattern that is now all too familiar — Glik was charged with criminal violation of the Massachusetts wiretap act, aiding the escape of a prisoner and disturbing the peace.

As tends to happen in cases like these, the charges didn’t hold up, with the Commonwealth dismissing the aiding escape charge and the Boston Municipal Court dismissing the remaining charges. But unlike most arrestees, Glik, with the assistance of the ACLU, fought back against this treatment. He filed an internal affairs complaint with the Boston Police Department, but the BPD neither investigated the complaint nor initiated any disciplinary action.

Undeterred, in February 2010, Glik filed suit in federal court against the officers and the City of Boston under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 and the Massachusetts Civil Rights Act. Glik alleged that the police officers violated his First Amendment right to record police activity in public and that the officers violated his Fourth Amendment rights by arresting him without probable cause to believe a crime had occurred.

Naturally, the police officers moved to dismiss on the basis of qualified immunity, but Judge Young was having none of that, denying the motion from the bench and ruling that “in the First Circuit . . . this First Amendment right publicly to record the activities of police officers on public business is established.” The police officers then appealed to the First Circuit, but they have now struck out on appeal as well, with the First Circuit ruling that “Glik was exercising clearly-established First Amendment rights in filiming the officers in a public space, and that his clearly-established Fourth Amendment rights were violated by his arrest without probable cause.”

Pardon me while I bask in the warm glow of that sentence for a moment. Let’s see if we can find some more excellent quotations.

“[I]s there a constitutionally protected right to videotape police carrying out their duties in public? Basic First Amendment principles, along with case law from this and other circuits, answer that question unambiguously in the affirmative.”

“Glik filmed the defendant police officers in the Boston Common, the oldest city park in the United States and the apotheosis of a public forum. In such traditional public spaces, the rights of the state to limit the exercise of First Amendment activity are ‘sharply circumscribed.'”

“[A] citizen’s right to film government officials, including law enforcement officers, in the discharge of their duties in a public space is a basic, vital, and well-established liberty safeguarded by the First Amendment.”

“Gathering information about government officials in a form that can readily be disseminated to others serves a cardinal First Amendment interest in protecting and promoting ‘the free discussion of governmental affairs.'”

Sounds right to me. Film Tha Police.

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Somebody has issues: Rush Limbaugh edition

Somebody has issues

by digby

Oh dear God:

Listen to this all the way through. When I saw the headline I thought he must be trying one of his lame attempts at satire, but he’s not. He’s clearly of the very serious opinion that feeding needy children is wrong because they won’t learn how to feed themselves. He especially objects to feeding them during the summer time, but says that this is to be expected because by feeding them during the school year they have become “wanton little waifs and serfs dependent on the state.”

I guess he thinks poor second graders should get jobs so they can buy food. Apparently, he’s now supporting Newtie.

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One Sweet Dream: rich is in the eye of the beholder

One Sweet Dream

by digby

If you want to get a good look at the disconnect between the governing and financial elites and the rest of the country take a look at this:

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the median annual household income in the United States is roughly $50,000 per year. The Gallup poll finds those below that level typically saying they would need to earn $100,000 or more in annual income to be rich. Those at or above that level typically report they would need to earn $200,000 a year to be rich, which expands to $250,000 among those well above the U.S. median income ($75,000 or more in annual household income).

The poll also finds higher estimates of the annual income needed to be rich among men than among women; estimates are also higher for younger vs. older Americans, and college graduates vs. college nongraduates. The typical parent of minor children believes he or she would need to make more money to be rich than does the typical American without minor children. Additionally, urban and suburban residents believe they would need more to be rich than do those residing in towns or rural areas.

I don’t know how many Americans hear the perpetual whines of the Masters of the Universe about how hard they work and how unfair all this criticism of inequality is, but if they did hear about it — and knew just how gluttonous these Galtian heroes really are — I would guess they would become even more angry. It’s truly obnoxious. Throwing a full-blown tantrum because the president of he United States says “you’ll still be able to ride on your corporate jet. You’re just going to have to pay a little more”, might not be the smartest move in this environment.

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Populism Mash up: The right is confused about who to hate

Populism Mash Up

by digby

According to Fox News a German sent a German banker a letter bomb which means that Occupy Wall Street has turned violent and President Obama is a domestic terrorist. Or something:

In October of this year, Occupy Wall Street protesters went even further. They “marched to the houses of Rupert Murdoch, JP Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon, billionaire David Koch, financier Howard Milstein and hedge fund mogul John Paulson.” (Strangely, they skipped Soros.) When Dimon spoke in Seattle protesters surrounded his hotel and police had to use pepper spray just to get him out of the hotel.

I have to say that I’m a little bit queasy about protesting at homes because people’s families shouldn’t be held responsible for the sins of the bankers. But when you consider what’s been happening to foreclosure fraud victims all over the country it’s hard to make that case. After all, kids and elderly people are being dragged out of their homes by the police every day at the behest of bankers who are making huge bonuses. They kind of gave up the moral high ground on that one some time ago.

This defense of the bankers is very stirring I’m sure. They were all good guys, creatin’ jaaahbs like there’s no tomorrow (if only they could find somebody to take them.) Well, except for one.

You knew this was coming, right? There’s one banker the right has no problem vilifying:

Despite the left’s broad brush attacks on bankers, some bankers bring it on themselves. Witness former N.J. Democratic Gov. John Corzine, turned walking federal investigation. As MF Global’s top executive, he was so grossly incompetent “that about $1 billion of customer money could not be located,” wrote The New York Times. It’s hard to tell how his case will turn out, since he is so well-connected politically. But at least he can comfort himself in knowing that stripes can be slimming.

Yeah, he alone was grossly incompetent and venal. The others were all “over-regulated.”

Needless to say, it’s all Obama’s fault because he’s the one who’s truly in the pockets of Wall Street bankers. Whom they love and want to protect from the marauding protesters, right?
Or do they actually hate them too?

I noticed in the debate over the week-end that the candidates were trying their best to come up with an appropriate “conservative” way to hate on Wall Street. They sounded very, very confused. As does this fellow:

This is the environment where Obama delivers his new economic agenda. Remember, this is the president who got over $10 million more than Sen. John McCain from financial firms last election cycle.

Goldman Sachs (Yes, the guys the Occupiers hate so much) was Obama’s second highest contributor. That didn’t stop him from going to Osawatomie, Kansas this week, to promote talk of class warfare.

“Their philosophy is simple. We are better off when everybody is left to fend for themselves and play by their own rules,” he said of opponents.

Now, is that supposed to be bad according to conservatives? Or good? It’s hard to tell. And it get’s even more mystifying:

Osawatomie was an appropriate choice for Obama, though for different reasons than he had planned.

Obama had wanted to channel his inner Teddy Roosevelt. Roosevelt had spoken at Osawatomie in 1910 to push a progressive economic agenda. The current president (Pull date: Nov. 6, 2012) used his trip to emphasize his Kansan roots and to push class warfare.

Osawatomie was once ground zero for another type of warfare when the area was called “Bleeding Kansas” and John Brown’s abolitionists fought violently against pro-slave forces. In the 1856 “‘Battle of Osawatomie’ five of Brown’s men, including one of his sons, were killed and the town burned.”

In 2011, the class war promoted by Team Obama, the Occupiers and the rest of the radical left is only now turning violent.

It sounds as though he sees Obama and Occupy Wall Street as John Brown and the abolitionists. Ok, I get that. But that makes the Republicans and the Wall Street bankers the pro-slavery forces. Is that really the metaphor he’s looking for?

One could point out that the only violence that’s actually been perpetrated against any persons thus far has been against the protesters, but that would step on a delightfully mixed up thesis. It does show how much the normal game pieces are scrambled in this debate, but this is mostly because the Democrats have the White House and the right wing has a political incentive to bash them for being friendly to Wall Street and hostile to “Job Creators” at the same time. I think we would be seeing a much clearer conservative vision if they were in power.

Right wing populism, after all, is not hostile to Big Money. It’s hostile to Big Government. But it uses a specific kind of populist appeal that should be recognizable to anyone who’s been watching these Republican presidential debates. Here’s how historian Michael Kazin describes it:

Populism in America is nearly as old as the republic itself. Since President Andrew Jackson’s epic battle to shut down the “money power” symbolized by the Second Bank of the United States in 1833, politicians and citizen-activists have voiced their outrage about the “elites” who ignored, corrupted or betrayed the common people.

Right-wing populists typically drum up resentments based on differences of religion and cultural style. Their progressive counterparts focus on economic grievances. But the common language is promiscuous — useful to anyone who asserts that virtue resides in ordinary people and has the skills and platform to bring their would-be superiors down to earth

During the half-century since McCarthy’s remarkable rise and ignominious fall, his fellow conservatives have rarely stopped singing from the same populist hymnal.

“I had the privilege of living most of my life in my small town,” beamed Sarah Palin in her bravura speech to accept the GOP vice presidential nomination Wednesday night. It was, she explained, the kind of place inhabited by the people “who do some of the hardest work in America…who grow our food, run our factories, and fight our wars.” She defiantly contrasted her plain-folks view of the world to that of “the permanent political establishment” and “the Washington elite.”

It may be the same old song, but cultural populism has helped Republicans win many an election and has consistently put their opponents on the defensive. Richard M. Nixon championed the values of “Middle America;” Ronald Reagan damned a tax policy that took “from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned,” and George W. Bush mocked “liberal elites” for being soft on terrorism and warm towards gay marriage.

Conservatism would never have become a large and influential movement without such language; and liberals have yet to find a way to counter it.

It’s possible that Occupy Wall Street is starting to do that (or the economic pitch is just more salient.) And it’s obviously confusing the hell out of the conservatives. They’re reduced to trying to turn the first black president into John Brown and the Republicans into angry slave-owners to make their point.

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The campaign themes emerge

The campaign themes emerge

by digby

If you missed this exchange on Meet the Press this week-end, take a few minutes and watch it. I think this is a pretty good example of the emerging contours of the coming election. We have Huckleberry Graham on one side hurling around incendiary charges of Stalinism and class warfare and Dick Durbin on the other making the case that income inequality is killing the middle class. And if Graham is any example, they are going to make a strong charge that the president refused to work with Republicans and Democrats will come back with the truth, which is that Republicans turned obstruction into an art form. (The president is the one who promised that he would change that dynamic, so I think he’s got the harder task ahead of him.)

Graham and Durbin are pretty good stand-ins for NewtRomney and Obama. They’re good choices to test drive these themes:

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

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More evidence that “independents” don’t “swing” by @DavidOAtkins

More evidence that “independents” don’t “swing”

by David Atkins

I was recently referred to a good academic article on “independent” voter turnout. The study was done on Canadian elections so many exceptional Americans will dismiss it out of hand, but even so the dynamics in Canada only serve to support the notion that “independent” voters don’t shift party allegiance from election to election, so much as stay home out of apathy and to punish their preferred party for not doing its job. Those without access to online scholarly articles via ScienceDirect can only get the non-technical summary of the article, Estimating Voter Migration in Canada
Using Generalized Maximum Entropy
, in Electoral Studies 26(4), December 2007, pp. 756-771.:

Do the non-voters decide elections? Voters don’t so much swing as bounce on a long elastic tether. They may abstain from voting when they’re unhappy, but they don’t necessarily switch parties. Studying patterns of voter migration in the three most recent federal elections in Canada and the three most recent provincial elections in B.C. provides significant evidence that voters maintain long-term political preferences, a kind of “tethered partisanship”, and are less prone to float and drift between political preferences than often thought. Political strategists haven’t yet taken this lesson to heart, as much political campaigning is still directed at the elusive “swing voter”, and much less at getting the “affinity voter” sufficiently motivated and into the voting booth.

And here’s the academic abstract (again, only available to those with university access to online publications):

As voters switch political preferences from election to election, understanding the magnitude of voter flows among parties and transitions between voters and non-voters is an essential element of political analysis. As exit polls are uncommon in Canada, voter migration can also be estimated using suitable statistical techniques. Backing out micro-level voter migration probabilities from macro-level election data is a problem of ‘ecological inference.’ This paper uses the method of generalized maximum entropy (GME) to estimate voter migration patterns for the two most recent Canadian federal elections (2004 and 2006) and two most recent provincial elections in British Columbia (2001 and 2005). The estimation results answer important questions about voter behaviour in Canada. These results will be of interest to political scientists, historians, and politicians, as well as econometric practitioners who wish to estimate voter migration.

The article concludes that voters maintain a tethered connection to their party of preference, don’t tend to switch parties easily, and prefer to simply stay home to show their disaffection. Smartly, the article concludes that:

Politicians may conclude from this that the low-hanging fruit of political campaigning are often found among non-voters, especially when a party is recovering from an electorally unsatisfying result in a previous election. Given that much electoral campaigning is directed at political adversaries rather than non-voters, the results found in this paper may give politicians pause thinking about allocating their campaign resources. Estimation of voter migration flows may help parties understand where ‘their’ voters went, and how to win them back.

By “non-voters,” of course, the article refers not to people who consistently refuse to vote, so much as the occasional voter who goes to the ballot box generally for the same party, but only occasionally.

This is very smart.

Pollsters looking to see how to “win back” so-called “independent” voters will often do focus groups with people who crossed party lines from one election to another–say, those who voted for Barack Obama in 2008 but then voted for Republicans in 2010. They then analyze the data they get from those people to tell Dem politicians like President Obama what they must do to “win back” those independents.

But this is the wrong way of going about it. Sure, those “switcher” voters are out there. But they’re dwarfed in number by the people who hold an allegiance to the Democratic Party and progressive principles in general, and may have voted in the big presidential election of 2008, but failed to turn out to vote in 2010. That’s a much bigger cohort–and not only is it bigger in size, it’s more winnable and courting it doesn’t create resentment and anger within the Party base.

Sure, pollsters want to go after the switchers, because winning a switcher is like winning two votes as opposed to the one apathetic vote. A switcher who votes consistently is also easier to get, theoretically, than the inconsistent voter who has to be brought to the polls through labor-intensive field operations.

But the “switcher” is likely to be a Fox News “Democrat,” or simply a dramatically underinformed voter who may have had a good connection to Obama the candidate in 2008, but gets much their information from right-wing radio, from their pastor, or from Aunt Martha’s crazy email blasts–or worse, a natural conservative Republican who had only “switched” to Obama out of distaste for Bush in the first place. A bias toward pleasing these “switchers” thereby leads to unnecessarily conservative policies that increase the likelihood of the truly tethered independents to stay home, as well as increase the likelihood of anger from the Party base.

Smart Democratic consultants would do well to do focus groups with Dem voters from 2008 who stayed home in the midterms, and aren’t sure whether they’re likely to come out in 2012. See what is driving their anger and apathy, and what they want in terms of policy and message. And then insofar as decisions are made based on focus groups and polls, tailor the message to those people. My suspicion? You’ll find a lot of those very sorts of people at Occupy protests around the country.

h/t to Opendna on twitter for referring me to the article.

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P.S. As a small side note, my fiancee has access to Science Direct and Google Scholar through her being a grad student. Back when I was at university in 2003 doing academic work, I would never have found out about this article. If I had, it would have come from reading the bibliography of a paper article I had copied. I would then have had to travel to campus to find the journal; if my university didn’t have it (as was often the case in my obscure field), an interlibrary loan would be been necessary, necessitating a week of waiting to go back. Once it arrived, I wouldn’t have been able to take it home; I had to pay for making copies of the article at the library itself, before giving it back to the staff librarian. If I missed a page in the copying process, too bad. I had to wait another week–probably too late for the paper deadline.

Yes, this is a 10 miles to school in 100 feet of snow story, and I’m only 30 years old. But today’s upcoming scholars are so lucky to have Google Scholar and instant access to academic work online, they have no idea.

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Sunday Bat Blogging

Sunday Bat Blogging

by digby

Via iceweasal at LGF

His mother was yet another casualty from zoo closures which are occurring across the US. She is a young mother who was stressed from the conditions in which she was kept, combined with the additional trauma of being captured and transferred to a new and unfamiliar environment. Consequently, she abandoned Lil’ Drac after he was born. He was found on the padded floor of the indoor flight enclosure at Bat World Sanctuary, curled up in a little ball.

Here’s his biography at batworld.

And here’s the video! Bats kinda creep me out, but this was adorable:

Virtually Speaking Sunday 9est/6pst– Legal Beagles Dahlia Lithwick and CoT

Virtually Speaking Sunday

by digby

9 pm eastern | 6 pm pacific | Virtually Speaking Sundays |Dahlia Lithwick and Culture of Truth discuss the Supreme Court on the Affordable Care Act (including Kagan, Scalia and Thomas recusals) and TX redistricting. Featuring Culture of Truth on the Most Outrageous Moment from the Sunday morning talk shows. Follow @DahliaLithwick @bobblespeak. Listen live and later on BTR

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Nullifying democracy

Nullifying democracy

by digby

Before the episode recedes fully from the news, please read this item, by Jonathan Cohn on Thursday evening, about the extraordinary step the Senate Republicans took that day. Cohn says that the Republican minority’s success in blocking a vote on Richard Cordray’s nomination to head the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau amounts to “nullification,” quoting Thomas Mann of Brookings to the same effect. They are right. [As is David Weigel in Slate.]


Read on for the background, which is terrifying if you stop to think about it. If you don’t have time, just take a look at this:

Update: This is what they mean by nullification:

This week’s thwarted vote represented a further step in Constitutional revision, in that the minority was not simply trying to keep a bill from being passed. Instead they were openly trying to keep an already-approved piece of legislation from taking effect — they were nullifying it. To simplify the story: the legislation in question established the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, often described as Elizabeth Warren’s brainchild. President Obama shied from nominating Warren herself, who had become “polarizing.” The Republicans have nothing against the replacement nominee, Richard Cordray, except that they don’t want his agency to exist. Thus the blocked vote on his nomination. As Senator Orrin Hatch put it to the New York Times:

“This is not about the nominee, who appears to be a decent person and may very well be qualified,” said Senator Orrin Hatch, Republican of Utah, according to the Associated Press. “It’s about a process that is running out of control.”
Out of control indeed. Apart from the short-term distortion of processes of self-government, here are two longer-term problems.

Basically, the Republicans are saying that they don’t like a law that was legally passed so they are going to behave as if it didn’t. That’s new, I think. It’s not a nuclear option, it’s a dirty bomb thrown into the middle of the democratic process.

I honestly don’t know what happens now.

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