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Month: April 2012

Goldilocks was a centrist

Goldilocks was a centrist

by digby

Oh boy. Here’s an interview with Angus King which seems to indicate that he plots political issues on graph paper and calculates the exact middle ground on each one without regard to whether or not it makes any sense or will result in a reasonable outcome. It’s an easy way to do things, and I’d imagine Villagers will fall into an orgasmic swoon at the mere idea of such an attractive man of the middle in their midst, but it’s actually completely cracked.

[Angus]King — the independent who is roiling the political landscape in his quest for the Maine Senate seat — is trying to project himself as an insurgent candidate: one who is prepared to stick it to leaders in Washington and someone whose post-election decision on which side of the aisle to join could determine control of the Senate.

He’s also making a populist pitch, trying to start a movement aimed at weakening the stranglehold both parties have on Capitol Hill.

“I represent a threat,” King, a former two-term governor who had retired from politics until last month, told POLITICO. “If it can happen in Maine, it can happen in other places. And they need to start looking toward the middle, instead of always toward the right or the left.”

I’m sure this will hold great appeal for people but in practical terms it means that he will operate as a Republican, even if he caucuses as a Democrat. But apparently, the symbolism of being “independent” is more important than anything:

Dave Hunt, a 61-year-old Democratic voter who owns a record store here, said it’s appealing that King is running as independent.

“Things are polarized these days, and I think when you attach yourself to one party or another, it just kind of feeds into that,” Hunt said.

There you have it.

I think centrism is a toxic ideology that leads to torpor at best and full blown plutocracy or authoritarianism at worst. There is no Goldilocks Principle in politics, despite the endless assurances by Villagers like Gloria Borger that there is one. He’ll end up being like Joe Lieberman and Evan Bayh, whining incessantly about extremism “on both sides” — thus enabling the most extreme conservative faction in a century who finds them to be hilariously useful idiots.

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The JOBS bill failure

The JOBS bill failure

by digby

Felix Salmon wonders why the execrable JOBS bill was so badly covered by the news:

Bloomberg, yesterday, and the NYT, today, have come out with big news articles about the dangers and complications inherent in the JOBS Act. The NYT has found a Davis Polk note to clients saying that the JOBS Act represents “the most significant legislative loosening in memory of restrictions around the IPO process and public company reporting obligations”. As Ben Walsh documents, this is something which was well known to the opinion side of most news organizations weeks ago, but only seems to be dawning on the news side right now, after it’s too late.

He notes that some of the problem stems from the fact that lobbyists are very influential and effective at getting their message out, so unless there are competing industries on something like this, the reporters have to depend upon politicians and consumer groups for critiques and they evidently aren’t worth bothering with. And there are also regional reasons why these issues are covered oddly — Wall Street reporters let’s the DC people do it their way, and in this case, the San Francisco press (which covers silicon valley) is just clueless about politics.

But this is the big problem:

More generally, I think that there are certain stories which are simply easier to tell if the journalist writing them is allowed to have an opinion. Today’s NYT story is quite hard on the JOBS Act, if you read the whole thing, but you first need to get past five paragraphs of introductory scene-setting and a headline (“Wall Street Examines Fine Print in a Bill for Start-Ups”) which betrays nothing about how generous the act is or the degree to which it dismantles longstanding investor protections.

And of course, being impartial journalism, it has to be larded with on-the-other-hand quotes from people like the former head of the NASD, including this classic:

One Wall Street executive familiar with the JOBS Act but who declined to be named said the law would give firms “more flexibility” in covering emerging companies.

Is it now NYT policy to grant anonymity to sources who are simply asserting what seems to be a simple checkable fact?

Opinion journalists don’t need to worry about this kind of thing, and can come out and say what they mean, without having to ensure that any opinions in the piece are attributed to named or anonymous sources. And I fear that when opinion journalists are covering a story quite closely, as they did in this case, the news side sometimes feels that they don’t need to duplicate what the opinion side has already done. Until they can find some kind of new angle, even if it’s just the fact that Wall Street banks get lawyers to read a new law before they change their ways.

This one was particularly awful and I have to confess that I didn’t see it coming until recently either. And part of the problem was that I wasn’t keeping up with the right blogs — the mainstream media ignored the story. The only people I saw making a fuss about it were Chris Hayes and Elliot Spitzer.

I featured Spitzer’s comment yesterday. Here’s Hayes’ segment:

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

If the consequences of this bill are what these critics say they will be, we’ll be tearing our hair out not too long from now wondering how in the hell it happened. And it will be yet another huge failure of democratic governance and journalism. Again.

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Terminal deficits: health care costs are bad for our health

Terminal deficits


by digby
Say what you will about Obamacare, it was an attempt to rein in health care costs. No, it will not control health care costs the way that a single payer plan would, but it is better in this respect than the status quo. Or, at least, has the potential to be so. So, if it is repealed, the alleged deficit hawks are putting the nation back on the road to exploding health care costs which, as the below graphs show (click to expand) is the only truly significant reason for the deficit:

I should at least point out that there is another option aside from exploding health care costs, single payer or Obamacare. We could adopt the Tea Party plan which is to allow those who aren’t Real Americans (who, by definition, deserve their government benefits) to die in the streets. That would would certainly save some money.

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From the fool me once files: tales of Grand Bargains past

From the fool me once files

by digby

Brad DeLong has a question for Ezra Klein about Grand Bargains:

As a Clinton administration staffer, a question for Ezra. Suppose we do a bipartisan deficit-reduction deal over the next two years. Why don’t you think that the next time the Republican Party gets back into power afterwards they won’t do what they did the last time they had working majorities everywhere in 2001-3, and indeed the time before that they had working majorities in 1981-2: large tax cuts for the rich that destabilize America’s public finances.

It’s hard for any veteran of the Clinton Administration to reach any conclusion other than that fixing America’s long-run fiscal dilemmas requires first the complete destruction of today’s Republican Party, and those of us who care about America’s fiscal future need to turn all of our energies to that end. Can you give me reasons not to believe that?

This is a really good question. It’s not as if the Democrats haven’t done a ton of Grand Bargaining over the past couple of decades — and the result is always that the Republicans demand more. I recall having an argument back in 2000 with a long time Democratic operative who insisted that the Republicans could never demagogue them again because Clinton balanced the budget and left a surplus. Surely the people now understood that the Democrats were fiscally responsible. How’d that work out for us?

Or, for that matter, how did it work out for us on foreign policy and national security and women’s rights and affirmative action or anything else? At every turn the GOP has moved further right and the Democrats have felt compelled to scurry after them, all the while insisting that the country would see them as the more “reasonable” and “responsible” for having done so.

The bottom line is that Grand Bargains are a huge part of our problem. Indeed, the only thing that’s saving us at the moment is the fact that Republicans think obstruction is more politically beneficial than agreeing to anything the hated Obama wants to do. Still, I doubt very seriously that the GOP will continue to ignore the opportunity to degrade the welfare state if the Democrats offer it up again. Paul Ryan’s “bipartisan” revival tour shows the outlines of the next phase. And we have every reason to fear that President Obama’s “hot mic” comments might just as well have been whispered to him.

The sad truth is that after the last decade it’s become clear that changing this situation doesn’t only require “destroying” today’s Republican Party, although it does. I’m afraid today’s Democratic party has to be “destroyed” as well. DeLong excepted, they haven’t learned their lessons any better than the GOP.

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Partisanship IS democracy, by @DavidOAtkins

Partisanship IS democracy

by David Atkins

Timm Herdt, journalist for the Ventura County Star, writes a paean to centrism that perfectly epitomizes the flawed thinking of the church of High Broderism, of which so many journalists are devotees:

Much has been written about San Diego Assemblyman Nathan Fletcher in the week since he announced he was leaving the Republican Party and becoming an independent. But a great deal of it has missed the point.

Critics of the California GOP have used Fletcher’s defection as an excuse to pile on their complaints that the party has become intolerant of even modest dissent from party orthodoxy. Defenders of the state party have decried it as sour grapes from a candidate who lost the GOP endorsement in his race for mayor of San Diego.

There is some validity in both those points of view.

But when I watch Fletcher’s YouTube video announcing his decision, the line that jumps out makes no mention of the word “Republican.”

Rather, his core message comes across in this statement: “I’m leaving partisan politics. I’m leaving behind a system that is completely dysfunctional.”

Fletcher wasn’t so much rejecting Republicans as he was denouncing the state of American politics.

Fletcher is an ideal messenger to deliver that statement. He is a former Marine Corps officer who fought in Iraq. That means he comes from a background in which people work together to accomplish a common mission, with little or no regard for other agendas.

Politics, of course, doesn’t work that way these days.

Partisan agendas come first, even if that excludes any possibility of working toward a common mission of serving the public good.

Where does one even start with this? Perhaps with the incredible notion that democracy should somehow function like the military? Herdt claims that “politics doesn’t work that way these days.” Was there ever a time at which it did function like the military, with everyone on the same page toward a common goal?

Journalists like Herdt and all those who worship at the Broderist altar seem to believe that there are commonsense solutions to every problem, if only the little hyperpartisan children would simply stop flinging food at each other and get down to the business of adopting said solutions. They believe that the political parties are a self-interested scar on the system that get in the way of productive problem-solving, and that the American people simply want politicians who get together and compromise free from partisan bickering. And to be fair, poll after poll does show that most Americans prefer an end to the constant partisan warfare.

But to believe this requires overlooking the fact that the parties are, in fact, a reflection of popular will. The partisan divide is a reflection of the fact that there are two very different value systems in this country. About half of this country believes that access to healthcare is a human right, and that everyone should pay into the system to ensure that no one is left behind. The other half believes that sick people should die in the street if they didn’t make enough money to pay a corporation for health insurance. One half of this country believes that working people should be adequately compensated for the work they do, regardless of what “market forces” might dictate; the other half believes that profit, and only profit, should dictate people’s standards of living. One half of this country believes that people should be able to control their own sexuality; the other half believes that self-appointed preachers and priests should dictate it for them. One half of this country believes that climate change is real and that we should be rapidly developing alternatives to oil rather than bombing other countries to steal their resources; the other half believes that scientists are a self-interested cabal who are making it all up, that we should build oil rigs off our coastlines and bomb Muslims into submission until they deliver up their sweet crude to the world market.

These are very stark and very real differences. It’s tempting and oh-so-inspirational to declare that there is no left and right, no red and blue, but just one America. Democrats and Republicans alike trot out this tired line, but it’s not true. Our divided politics are a reflection of our divided nation, and most of us are actually partisans. Those of us who claim to be in the middle usually aren’t, either: so-called “moderates” tend to be partisans of one side on some issues, and partisans of the other on others (say, anti-abortion economic progressives, or hardcore libertarians like many of the progressives who support Ron Paul.)

This is what democracy is made of, particularly in a country like the U.S. without a parliamentary system to fracture two political parties into several effective units. Partisanship is democracy. Consider the case of Colorado Springs recently highlighted in This American Life. The town refused to increase taxes in a recession, and chose to force residents to pay for their own street lights and park cleanups. That in turn led more affluent sections of the city to pay for services directly–at higher cost than their taxes would have been for the same–while the less affluent sections suffered. They binged on privatizing as many city services as they could, which didn’t save them any money, but did satisfy their worldview:

Overall, the city’s budget for parks is about $12 million now, a lot smaller than it was at its height. But that’s mostly because the parks department is doing less. They’ve closed swimming pools and laid off community center employees. They’re replacing fewer playgrounds and fences and bridges. And Roland, for his part? He’s not going back to the parks this summer. He hurt his back.

What I learned, though, from talking to the people in Colorado Springs is that for a lot of them these calculations don’t really matter. They don’t care if privatizing actually saves the government money, so long as the government is doing less.

City councilwoman Jan Martin says she hears this all the time. That it’s become a matter of faith in the city that private is better. And she tells us a story. In the dark days, after the tax measure was defeated, city council was having another meeting about slashing government.

Jan Martin: And a gentleman came up to me and actually thanked me for the adopt a street light program. He had just written a check to the city for $300 to turn all the street lights back on in his neighborhood. And I did remind him that for $200 if he had supported the tax initiative, we could have had not only streetlights, but parks and firemen and swimming pools and community centers. That by combining our resources, we as a community can actually accomplish more than we as individuals.

Robert Smith: And he said?

Jan Martin: He said he would never support a tax increase.

Robert Smith: So for him it wasn’t the money. He was willing to pay more to turn on the street lights than to pay for all city services.

Jan Martin: That’s right. And it’s because of a total lack in trust of local government to spend those services, which was part of Steve Bartolin’s letter. That prevailing sense that government won’t take care of our money, that brings somebody to the conclusion that, I’ll take care of mine. You go figure out how to take care of yours, because we don’t trust government to do it for us.

See, your average resident of Colorado Springs is willing to pay more money for worse services while letting his poorer neighbors do without street lights or clean parks–just as long as that money stays in the hands of private corporations rather than the nasty government.

There is no “centrist” policy solution that will ever work to satisfy your average resident of a progressive city, and your average Colorado Springs resident. We might as well be living on separate planets. Insofar as we must share a unified set of national policies, one of us is going to win, and the other is going to lose. We will be forever at war with one another, and that’s precisely as it should be. There’s no splitting the difference there–and even if there were, it would be bad public policy. The gentleman from Colorado Springs and I have two entirely separate views of how the world works, what government’s place in that world is, and how morality itself should be defined in context.

And that’s fine. That’s democracy. There’s nothing that says we have to agree, or that we have to like each other. Let the gentleman from Colorado Springs assemble his arguments, and let me assemble mine. All I ask is that his corporate buddies not be allowed to overwhelm my voice in a megaphone made of money, and that each side have its opportunity to be heard–but then, that too is its own set of arguments in a democracy.

But let’s stop pretending that centrist technocrats have the answers for what ails this nation, if only that pesky thing known as democracy would stop getting in the way. In fact, the centrist technocrats tend to come up with the very worst policies.

If the worshippers at the High Broderist altar were more honest, they would admit that insofar as partisanship has worsened in this country, it’s an entirely one-sided affair. The President himself made this case quite effectively the other day. As I said in the comments section to Mr. Herdt’s article:

Mr. Herdt assumes that partisanship is getting in the way of solving problems. On the contrary.

The right wing has been shifting further and further to the right in this country, to the point that it would be unrecognizable to Republicans of Eisenhower’s day. The tax rate on America’s wealthiest was 91% in the 1950s. Richard Nixon founded the EPA. Ronald Reagan raised taxes ten times. It was the Heritage Foundation that came up with Obamacare in the early nineties (when Romney passed it in Massachusetts, it was a conservative idea to preserve the private health insurance companies.)

Bipartisanship and centrist legislation, meanwhile, has a horrible track record in the modern era. NAFTA was a bipartisan law beloved by centrists. So was the legislation that killed Glass-Steagall and deregulated the banks, allowing them to gamble away the nation’s economy. The AUMF to invade Iraq was also very bipartisan and favored by centrists. It was centrists who watered down the Affordable Care Act; but for Joe Lieberman, Medicare would be available to anyone over 50 today, allowing for lower involuntary unemployment and lower healthcare costs overall. Centrists don’t solve problems. Centrists CREATE problems.

I understand if a number of Republicans who would have been staunch conservatives 30 years ago feel that their party has lurched so far to the right that they don’t fit in anymore. But put the blame where it belongs: on the conservative movement that has wholly embraced the sociopathic ideology of Ayn Rand. Stop blaming “partisanship.” The Democrats have moved a lot farther to the right than we were 30 years ago, and it still hasn’t helped. Predictably, it has actually hurt the middle class to be so accommodating to rightwing extremism.

I suspect that journalists like Mr. Herdt actually know this to be true, but don’t dare admit it lest they be tarred with an “unserious” partisan brush. Part of the doctrine of the church of Broder is that balance be revered as a higher good than truth, which can often be nakedly partisan. But I would hope that even the acolytes of Broderism hold a modicum of respect for democracy and the very different sets of values held by Americans of different political leanings, instead of pretending that partisanship is a silly, ugly game played by children too selfish to allow their betters to get down to the real business of governance by military-style fiat.

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The voiceless and the powerless rise up: bankers form a SuperPAC

The voiceless and the powerless rise up

by digby

Finally, FINALLY, someone is fighting for the disenfranchised elements of our unequal society:

Frustrated by a lack of political power and fed up with blindly donating to politicians who consistently vote against the industry’s interests, a handful of leaders are determined to shake things up.

They have formed the industry’s first SuperPAC — dubbed Friends of Traditional Banking — that is designed to target the industry’s enemies and support its friends in Congress.

That is not an April Fool’s joke:

“It comes back to the old philosophy of walking softly and carrying a big stick,” says Howard Headlee, the president and chief executive officer of the Utah Bankers Association. “But we’ve got no big stick. And we should. We have the capacity to have one, we just aren’t organized.”

“Congress isn’t afraid of bankers,” adds Roger Beverage, the president and CEO of the Oklahoma Bankers Association. “They don’t think we’ll do anything to kick them out of office. We are trying to change that perception.”
[…]
“BankPAC is much broader and covers lots of different candidates. This is much more surgical,” Packard says. “If someone says I am going to give your opponent $5,000 or $10,000, you might say, ‘Yea, okay.’ But if you say the bankers are going to put in $100,000 or $500,000 or $1 million into your opponent’s campaign, that starts to draw some attention.

“That’s why I think this is much more instrumental than BankPAC in a close race.”
[…]
“It would be nice to sit on the sidelines or sit on our hands and say, ‘Oh we don’t get involved in that stuff,’ but that just means you get run over,” says Don Childears, the president and CEO of the Colorado Bankers Association. “We need to get more deeply involved as an industry in supporting friends and trying to replace enemies.”
[…]
“I am for any PAC that is going to defeat our enemies,” Fine says. “I agree with Howard on this. More power to him. I hope he raises a lot of money and hammers these guys.”
[…]
“Clearly there are Members of Congress who have absolutely no reservations about kicking traditional banks in the teeth, and we are tired of it,” says Headlee. “We’ve got to be able to defend the folks who have the courage to stand up for us as well.

I have to assume that by “enemies” they mean people who want to regulate them? Who exactly are these people? The handful of progressive House Democrats to whom even progressives pay no attention? I can’t think of anyone else who gives a damn about regulating banks.

Here’s a wild guess. The “enemies” are people who haven’t signed on to the full blown Pete Peterson, Paul Ryan safety net destruction agenda. Because as we all know, trying to protect the old and the sick is tantamount to declaring war on capitalism, especially the hard working producer bankers.

On the other hand, you do have to feel sorry for them. After all, it’s not as if they’re pampered and privileged people who are already reaping the rewards offered by their membership in the top 1%. Why they’re downright losers compared to this guy:

[T]wo hours later, when the billionaire and I touch down in Sea Island, Ga., it’s hard to see the similarities. As we deplane, a classic Mercedes convertible is waiting. We jump in, and he ferries me around the resort, with its multimillion-dollar villas and perfectly manicured golf courses.

Everywhere he goes, he gets four-star service. Doors are opened, luggage is carried away wordlessly, and at one point, warm chocolate chip cookies magically appear. When his brakes sputter and his convertible starts spewing smoke, he picks up another Mercedes.

“Somebody’s got to live this life,” he says, gesturing to the pristine view from his penthouse villa. “God decided it should be me.”

Poor, poor bankers. Why has God forsaken them?

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Tribal ID: Why conservatives take it to the limit

Tribal ID

by digby

I often wince a little when I hear people say that conservatives are somehow duped into voting against their self-interest. I honestly don’t think that’s so. Conservatives just have a different definition of what their self-interest is. And they believe in that definition very deeply. So deeply, in fact, that it outweighs their desire to win.

Corey Robin explains it in this interesting interview:

I don’t have a theory of false consciousness; I don’t think anyone’s being distracted. I think the right really does deliver the goods of power and privilege to more than an elite class. And the way it does that is often through the private life of power, the slave plantation being, of course, the most obvious form, but the family and the workplace also being critically central. Burke understood this—that our identity is a historical inheritance, and one of the main aspects of that inheritance is this private relationship of power and domination. And that relationship is so close to us that to give it up would really be a form of self-destruction.

Right. They believe that giving up their private power would be far more destructive than giving up political power. Sure, right wing politicians are all liars and cheats and do anything they can to hold on to their public power. That’s the gig. But to the true believers their central concern is losing the privilege that defines them. And it isn’t really about money, although that’s tangentially part of it. It’s about hierarchy, status and dominion.

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The terrorist speaks, by @DavidOAtkins

The terrorist speaks

by David Atkins

The terrorist who attacked Planned Parenthood speaks:

The man accused of bombing a Planned Parenthood clinic in Wisconsin said on Wednesday that he did it “because they’re killing babies there.”

Francis Grady, 50, spoke to reporters who were covering his first appearance in federal court since the Sunday night attack. The Green Bay Press-Gazette posted video of him walking through the courthouse with a short clip of him speaking to reporters outside.

“There was no bomb,” Grady said. “It was gasoline.”

A reporter asked why Grady attacked the clinic.

“Because they’re killing babies there,” he responded.

The newspaper also got more from inside the federal courtroom, where Grady reportedly interrupted the judge to ask, ““Do you even care at all about the 1,000 babies that died screaming?”

Grady was charged with two felonies in the attack.

I wonder what this paragon of virtue would say about a theoretical Pakistani terrorist who planted a bomb in front of the Pentagon, using the same rationale to complain about children killed by drone strikes. He would doubtless argue that it’s totally different, except for the part where it totally isn’t. Terrorism is terrorism.

The only difference is that drones actually do kill babies. Planned Parenthood helps a few women make a medical decision about (almost always) early-stage fetuses growing inside their bodies. Fetuses aren’t “babies,” never were “babies,” and never will be “babies.”

IBGYBG: The culture of smartness is what did in the financial system

The culture of smartness

by digby

This segment of “Up With Chris Hayes” with Karen Ho, author of Liquidated: An Ethnography of Wall Street examines the big question: why doesn’t Wall Street care about killing their golden goose?” It’s something that’s befuddled me from the beginning of the financial crisis.

It turns out that it’s at least partially attributable to completely skewed incentives that create an irresponsible belief system called IBGYBG: “I’ll be gone, you’ll be gone.”

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

Take the 15 minutes to listen to this whole thing. It’s very informative. As Hayes says, IBGYBG is basically an incentive to looting.

“Lying cheating and stealing is a sign of my meritocratic abilities.”

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