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Month: January 2013

QOTD: Republican Tom Cole

QOTD: Republican Tom Cole

by digby

Via Bold Progressives:

TOM COLE: Again, I would prefer not to raise taxes on anybody. But we protected almost every American. We did it at a higher income level than the President campaigned on. And again, frankly, we’ve denied him I think his most important piece of leverage in any negotiation going forward. So I particularly like that part. I understand unemployment extension. I prefer, you know, a more focused effort in that regard. But we do have parts of the country where that’s necessary and it’s a fair compromise. The entitlement issue, just too much to deal with I think in one piece of legislation. But again, still sequester is in front of us. The continuing resolution runs out the end of march and obviously the debt ceiling. All of those things honestly are Republican leverage not Democratic so I think there will be opportunities to deal with the spending issue next year. Honestly I expect that will be the dominant issue along with trying to overhaul the tax code going forward. So that’s usually pretty good ground for Republicans.

This is one Republican who was smart enough to make a tactical retreat and recognize that the battle then moves to much more favorable terrain. We’ll see if his leader John Boehner can make it happen.

Update: Ok, here’s QOTD II from HuffPost Hill:

The Republicans are finally going to take the advice Nancy Pelosi gave them weeks ago: Give your extreme members something to vote on for the hell of it, and then give a clean vote on the thing you want passed. If Pelosi can find a way to fund illegal wars, dammit, Boehner can figure out how to pass some tax cuts.

House leadership aides are whipping their conference to determine whether they have the votes needed to amend and pass the bill. Once they’ve gone through that motion — they don’t have the votes, unless the amendment repeals Dodd-Frank or something — they’ll figure out a way to allow a clean vote on the Senate bill and then we can all absorb ourselves into the debt ceiling, sequester and CR fight.

We call this governing.

At this writing we don’t know if they’ll pass the Senate Bill, but it looks like they will — with a Democratic majority, which is a delicious irony considering all the sturm und drang. All I can say is that it’s a Christmas miracle that they haven’t found themselves being forced to vote for SS and Medicare cuts as well. I’ll take that little victory. But never fear — they’ll be baaack.

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A Nihilist Ideological Cult That Cannot be Reckoned With, by @DavidOAtkins

A Nihilist Ideological Cult That Cannot be Reckoned With

by David Atkins

The House GOP has spent most of the day proving my thesis that the modern Republican Party is less a group of hard-nosed brilliant negotiators on behalf of the wealthy than a group of radical ideologues hell-bent on getting their way even if it means economic catastrophe. The House Republican reaction to a deal that passed the Senate by 80 votes has been to up the ante and refuse the deal:

Remember that this is the same deal that so many intelligent progressives (rightly!) claimed was a terrible one for Democrats because it positioned us for a much worse deal over the debt ceiling.

Instead, the House GOP is determined to scuttle the bill by making revisions it knows the Senate cannot and will not accept, even if the Senate deigned to come back to Washington on a dime after leaving town (which it likely would not in any case.)

Part of this is doubtless gamesmanship by Cantor against Boehner. The same Eric Cantor who was smiling so broadly when there was no deal two weeks ago has been the chief lobbyist against accepting the Senate deal today, possibly as a gambit to force Boehner to try to pass it with minimal Republican support, breaking the Hastert Rule and ending his Speakership. But it turns out that Boehner might not even have the necessary few Republican votes in the House even if he did violate the Hastert rule and brought it to the floor with near unanimous Democratic support. Per Dave Weigel:

In which case it would be less a matter of internal GOP politics and more of a matter of united ideological aversion to anything resembling a deal supported by the President.

Keep in mind in all of this that corporate America desperately wants and has been counting on a deal to avert the fiscal cliff. If the GOP House does scuttle the deal as they seem inclined to do, it would take a fool to believe that these are mere puppets playing a hardline negotiating game on behalf of wealthy benefactors. Wealthy benefactors want a deal. As Markos Moulitsas points out, the House move is not that of brilliant negotiators but of utter fools so ideologically driven they can’t see straight even to help corporate plutocrats.

No, the GOP House cares only about “firing up the base.” That means pleasing the Fox News, talk radio and GOP blog audience currently incensed over the same deal that is also infuriating many progressives. It means pleasing not only the same hardcore conservative constituents that voted for plutocrat Mitt Romney over Barack Obama in all but 15 GOP-held House districts, but also and more importantly the even more extremist conservatives who will vote in the 2014 Republican House primaries.

If the country falls into a recession caused by House intransigence and universal tax increases, these Republican voters won’t blame conservatives or the GOP. They’ll happily blame the President for the biggest tax increases in American history and the sour economy to boot. And they’ll love their representatives for standing firm against Kenyan socialism.

It’s now up to the Left to respond and adjust its tactics accordingly. It would be great if the President had taken a stronger negotiating stance. But it ultimately wouldn’t have mattered, and in fact would have made it easier for the Village press to blame both sides. Not that the Village won’t do that, anyway, of course.

The first lesson here is that nobody is “negotiating” or “playing poker.” A fair game of poker demands that each side actually have something at stake and be playing with their own chips. The Republican House isn’t doing that: they’re pleasing their own base to protect their own electoral reserves, while going all in on every hand using the American economy as collateral. The only way to win that game is not to play. Every “negotiation” isn’t a game of policy trading: it’s an opportunity for extortion while they cater to an ever-more extremist electorate in their home districts. California voters have already seen this dynamic in action as a slim minority of Republicans took the entire state economy hostage for decades rather than negotiate fairly.

The advantage Democrats have in this situation is that majority public opinion and the majority of actual American voters are on their side. The only thing that allows Republicans to take their hostages in the first place is a series of arcane rules that give the minority undue influence. Among those rules are:

  • Gerrymandered Congressional districts
  • Dysfunctional filibuster rules
  • Disproportionate Senate representation
  • Corrupt lobbying laws
  • Campaign finance laws that give outsized political influence to a few billionaires
  • Archaic electoral college rules
  • Discriminatory workday elections

And that’s just a start. If we want a future in which we do more than simply determine which hostages to save and which ones to shoot, the American People will need to figure out how to make these and other reforms to our broken political system that disempowers rational majorities in favor of extremist ideological minorities with nothing to lose. As the Republicans continue to suffer demographic decline, their base will only become more desperate and extreme.

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Madman Theory or just a bunch of madmen? (It’s all about the Hastert Rule)

Madman Theory or just a bunch of madmen?

by digby

So, Eric Cantor is acting like a lunatic and is threatening to scuttle the deal unless they get spending cuts. In other words, the right wing is refusing to take yes for an answer again — that yes being a short delay in the sequester and a future debt ceiling fight where they will be holding all the cards. It’s just how they roll.

But here’s the thing: Boehner has the votes. (Or he did…) The problem is that it would violate the idiotic Hastert rule to bring it to the floor without a majority of GOP votes.

Speaker John Boehner (Ohio) has about 100 Republican members he can count on if and when the Senate-passed “fiscal-cliff” bill hits the House floor, according to an analysis by The Hill.

But it remains unclear if Boehner and his lieutenants will be able to convince the majority of the GOP Conference to back legislation that increases tax rates on the wealthy and lacks significant spending cuts. The Senate passed its fiscal-cliff bill, 89-8, early on New Year’s Day.

Boehner has not expressed opposition or support for the Senate legislation. But Rep. Tom Cole (Okla.), a member of the GOP leadership team, backed the bill during a Tuesday morning interview on MSNBC and later predicted a majority of Republicans will support it. The House will either pass the measure, or amend it and send it back to the upper chamber. However, such a move would be difficult because House Democrats would likely oppose changing the bill and keeping the entire Republican Conference in line has been a major challenge for Boehner this Congress.

To assess party loyalty, The Hill analyzed five controversial bills on fiscal matters that sparked outcry from factions on the right and significant defections from House GOP members: a March 15, 2011 stopgap funding bill; an April 14, 2011 bill that averted a government shutdown; an Aug. 1 roll call on the Budget Control Act; a Nov. 17, 2011 “minibus” appropriations measure; and a Feb. 17, 2012 vote to extend the payroll tax holiday. Republican defections ranged from 54 to 101 on these bills.

Obviously there would be enough Dems to pass it.

So, the real question here is whether Boehner can hold on to his speakership if he brings the Senate bill to a vote. From what I’m hearing, nobody knows. (There was this article in Politico last week that indicated nobody really wanted the Speakership hot potato in this environment but I don’t know if still operative.) Cantor’s acting very aggressive so I think there’s some legitimate fear that he might make his move.

And maybe there’s a method here: it may be a sort of Madman Theory, in which the House GOP scares the Democrats into revising the deal rather than take a chance on losing Boehner to the lunatic Cantor. Frankly, I don’t know why the Dems should care — the problem is the rump Tea Party and they are going to have to face them down at some point if they ever care to govern normally again.  I don’t think it will matter who’s Speaker until that happens.

On the other hand Occam’s Razor suggests that they just will not accept any deal that President Obama and the Democrats will agree to:

Or they’re just really, really stupid:

Fiscal cliff notes 1/1: Are the Republican zombies really going to kill us all in our beds?

Fiscal cliff notes 1/1

by digby

I honestly am  not going to lose sleep over whether every dollar over 300k or 400k a year is taxed at the Clinton tax rates and I agree with this assessment of the very dumb behavior of Democrats over the past few months that led to it:

Could the administration have gotten more revenue by holding out for a better deal? Quite possibly. But could the administration have gotten a lot more revenue? That’s less clear. Administration allies point out that congressional Democrats frequently floated ideas, like extending all tax cuts for incomes below $1 million, that would have generated far less revenue.

Oh right, I forgot. They were “smoking them out.” Whatever. I have never felt that the tax hikes were the hill to die on, so it seems like a fairly reasonable outcome on that, all things considered. It will close the deficit by about 600 billion, which is good. But it won’t be enough to break deficit fever. It’s still going to be raging, unfortunately, even though it’s the last thing we should be worried about. Going over the cliff might have done it, but I cannot say I’m surprised the Democrats didn’t have the nerve. They were practically apoplectic this last week, with leadership all over TV wringing their hands and rending their garments over the allegedly dire consequences. Good bluffers they aren’t.

But while I agree with much of David’s assessment below, I think he overestimates the Republicans’ all-consuming power to do anything they choose and underestimates how much the president’s framing of the the deficit solution in his campaign, his public offers of spending cuts and his stated desire to “fix” entitlements has made the coming fights over spending much more likely to end badly.  I always say that I’m glad to live to fight another day, and today we are alive, but the bloody battles over the so-called “entitlements” loom and what’s gone before has left the Democrats’ weaker than they needed to be.

I won’t reiterate my belief that the president truly and genuinely seeks a Grand Bargain.  You know what I think about that (and if you don’t, you can google my name and Grand Bargain and read all about it.) Making a fetish of raising taxes on the rich as part of a “balanced approach”  to deficit reduction in the recent campaign baked it into everything going forward. And the president has now twice shown that he’s willing to raise the Medicare age and cut Social Security benefits. So, that’s where we begin round two, basically for no good reason.

Greg Sargent talks about the “balanced approach”:

Presuming the Senate deal passes the House, what happened yesterday is that Democrats scored a victory on part two of that question — albeit only a partial one — while successfully deferring the epic, looming battle over the first part of it. Meanwhile, Republicans retained their leverage heading into round two, and thanks to the way things unfolded, they will likely walk into it more confident of winning major future concessions…

Obama has pledged to win more in new revenues from the rich via tax reform, has vowed not to agree to any deficit reduction that relies only on spending cuts, and continues to insist on a “balanced” approach. Only Obama, however, can ultimately define what he means by “balanced.” Liberals must continue to insist that this mean that the sacrifice necessary to reducing the deficit will not borne by the poor or seniors who can’t afford it.

All of which is to say that the major fight at the heart of this whole mess — over the proper scope and role of the safety net of the 21st century, and who will pay for it — remains unresolved. Only the outcome of that battle can settle the question of whether today’s compromise was a good one for liberals. Obama’s legacy on the future of the welfare state — which will help define his presidency and settle fundamental questions about our approach to governing that will define American life for years to come — remains yet to be determined.

That’s not comforting. I suspect that were he to define his preferred legacy on the question of the welfare state it would be that he enacted Obamacare and “fixed” the alleged funding crisis with a Grand Bargain on taxes and entitlements. That’s what he’s been saying for four years anyway. And what that has always meant was raising some taxes and cutting programs (also known as “everyone having skin in the game.”) He got the tax hikes because they were inevitable. He has yet to fulfill the second promise.  But it’s not for lack of trying. Ironically, it’s been those all-powerful Republican lunatics refusing to take him up on the offer that saved us so far.

But that’s not going to last. All we have left are cuts, whether in the “new” sequester or the impending debt ceiling hostage situation. I’m afraid there just isn’t time to change the campaign finance system, eliminate the filibuster, stop gerrymandering or any of the other implacable systemic problems we have that give the minority party the power in the House of Representatives to run the country against the will of the majority, the Senate and the President. So if the Republicans David describes below are as overwhelmingly nihilistic as he says —  and the Democrats are as helpless in the face of it — then we might as well just resign ourselves to giving up the safety net and having the Democrats take credit for it.

On the other hand, if you don’t believe the presidency is completely powerless and that the Republicans are not members of the Walking Dead with superhuman strength, it is still possible to thwart this. Unless Paul Ryan has magically eliminated the presidential veto and the US Senate, the president still has a teeny tiny bit of power he could use if he wanted. (And that’s not even counting the 14th Amendment option.) And I realize it’s silly to think that a Democratic president could actually help save the safety net by using his useless bully pulpit to become a strong advocate of the lifeline that the only growing GOP demographic depends on, I continue to imagine what it would be like if the President of the United States stood up and said “Republicans will cut SS benefits, raise the Medicare age and hurt the sick and the poor over my dead body.” Somehow, I think that could have an effect, even in their safe little gerrymandered districts. Sadly, that ship sailed a long time ago when he put those things on the table and the scary, all-powerful Republicans realized they have a very good chance to get a Democratic president to do the one thing they really want to do but for which they are too scared to take credit: cut the legs out from under their own constituents.

I don’t disagree with David’s assessment about the need for systemic change.  But in the meantime, it would really be helpful if we had a president who would at least test the limits of his power instead of seeking common ground in this toxic wasteland. I’m not sure that we’ve yet seen it proven that the relentless GOP zombies cannot be thwarted. I suspect that if the president took it directly to their voters and wasn’t afraid to lay cuts to SS and Medicare at the Republicans’ feet, he could defeat them. It wouldn’t be the first time a Democrat won a legislative battle on that basis. In fact, for all the decades between Roosevelt and Obama Democrats did that reflexively.

I will also remind people that Reagan left office a popular guy who was falling in esteem over the following decade. So much so that Grover Norquist and the conservative movement boys put together the Reagan Legacy project to insure that he was remembered as the avatar of conservative success and popularity. And I think there’s little doubt they were very successful. I bring this up to remind everyone that the president’s legacy will depend in large part on how hard the progressive faction of the Democratic Party works to make it one worth having. The Republicans certainly will not help. And mushy centrists don’t care about such things. It’s the liberals he needs to think about if he’s planning for his legacy in this second term. They are not going to be impressed by scare stories of a rump Republican faction in the House to explain a Grand Bargain   that degraded the social safety net for the sake of budget projections 20 years hence.

Update: Jonathan Cohn has a good analysis of the deal in which he reports the WH line that they will demand more tax increases in the debt ceiling as part of a “balanced approach:”

Obama has said repeatedly he won’t negotiate on the debt ceiling. And, in what was perhaps the most important public statement made Monday, Obama during a press conference made clear he thinks future efforts at deficit reduction must have “balance.” Obama’s idea of “balance” is deficit reduction that includes both spending cuts and new revenue, in roughly equal proportions—and Republicans acted angrily. On twitter, McConnell’s chief of staff wrote “POTUS just moved the goalpost again. Significantly. This is new.”

Actually, Obama has talked about balance before. But never mind that. If Obama follows through on these promises, then the fiscal cliff deal would look a whole lot better. It would mean deficit reduction through a more reasonable balance of new revenue and spending cuts—and an end to Republican economic extortion.

But to achieve those goals, Obama cannot cede new ground. He really can’t negotiate on the debt ceiling. And he really must get deficit reduction that balances revenue with cuts. If the last 72 hours have made you doubt his ability to do these things, you have plenty of company.

I’m fairly sure that the Republicans are going to say they’ve already made their contribution to the “balanced approach” with tax hikes for the wealthy. That’s why they called it “moving the goalposts.” This round was all hikes — they expect that the next round is going to be all cuts. It’s nice that the president is looking for more revenue, but I think it’s fairly clear that he got all he’s going to get.

It’s now going to be about spending. And the Republicans know what cuts the president has already put on the table. Let’s just say it would be a lot better for the people if they didn’t. On the other hand, I have to wonder just how many times he has to offer them up before people believe that he really wants to do it? That many elite Democrats do too?

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No matter what Obama does, Republicans won’t care and won’t fold, by @DavidOAtkins

No matter what Obama does, Republicans won’t care and won’t fold

by David Atkins

Much of the progressive consensus around the fiscal cliff deal seems to be that the deal itself isn’t so bad on its face, but that the long-term negotiating consequences of the agreement are disastrous for Democrats. Krugman, Scheiber and Chait all seem to be in agreement on this point.

On the specifics of the deal, it’s very easy for armchair bloggers like me to say that Democrats should simply go over the cliff. But it’s much harder to look into the eyes of two million long-term unemployed people and tell them they’re going to lose their lifeline because helping them was less important than holding the line on tax rates above $250,000 instead of $450,000. Absent grander negotiating principles and taking into account the fact that any deal must pass through a Republican House, trading those revenues for unemployment extensions and other progressive moves is probably a good deal.

On the long-term consequences, it’s true that the President’s inability to stick to a negotiating position may embolden Republicans to take future hostages. But it’s also entirely unclear that Republicans wouldn’t be emboldened, anyway.

There is no reason to believe that the Republicans wouldn’t do everything in their power to hold the debt ceiling hostage no matter how strongly Obama and Reid had negotiated on the fiscal cliff. If the President takes the Constitutional option to avoid hostage-taking over the debt ceiling, there’s no reason to believe that the Republicans wouldn’t portray him as a dictatorial King George spending hard-working Americans out of their sustenance, justifying their efforts to take even more hostages in the near future out of formerly mundane government functions.

If Republicans fail to secure a yes vote on the current deal and we remain over the cliff, there is no reason whatsoever to believe that they would ever be intimidated into passing the middle-class tax cut. There is every reason, by contrast, to believe that the GOP majority would refuse to enact said tax cuts unless they got the tax cuts for the rich as well. They would then blame any negative economic impacts on the President and his Party, revel in the utter failure of the government to do its job at even a minimal level, accuse Democrats of passing the largest tax increases in history, and count on an angry public to kick tax-and-spend Democrats out of power in 2014. There is similarly little reason to believe that any similar negotiation over sequestration or any other major issue would not follow the same pattern.

This is the same Republican House that voted down John Boehner’s already extremist “Plan B” because they deemed it to be too liberal. That vote was undertaken not as a negotiating position, but as a statement of real principle. As for the current deal, conservative media figures are mostly furious over it. The only reason it may pass is that many GOP members will vote for the Senate deal today instead of yesterday so that they can go home and triumphantly brag to their constituents about cutting taxes on the heroic job creators making $250K to $450K per year.

Similarly misguided are arguments that the President should simply take the case to the American public to scare the Republicans. The vast majority of the Republican Party is incapable of being scared by public opinion.

It’s important to remember that we just had the most expensive election in history, in which these issues were front and center on national television every day and evening. The same tax debate that occupies the fiscal cliff negotiation occupied months of national primetime television this year. After that long debate President Obama won over 51% of the vote for a second time–the only President since Eisenhower to accomplish the feat. Democrats gained seats in the Senate when conventional wisdom just a year ago suggested Republicans would take over the Upper Chamber. And Democratic House candidates won over a million more votes nationwide than did Republican candidates. The only reason the Republicans still hold the House is outrageous gerrymandering that renders the vast majority of House Republicans immune to mainstream public opinion.

Republicans hold 234 House seats. Of those, only 15 were won by the President. There is no rational cause to believe that Republicans from districts won by the ultimate plutocrat and enemy of the “47%” Mitt Romney would be in any way intimidated by pressure from the Kenyan Socialist Anti-Christ to raise taxes on job creators or deliver more big government welfare checks to long-term unemployed parasite moochers. There is no reason to think that they wouldn’t simply go on Fox News and talk radio to blame the President for all the tax increases while claiming to stand strong against a descent into a Greek deficit crisis caused by cash payments to unions and inner-city welfare recipients. And there’s no reason to believe that the constituents of those representatives wouldn’t love them for it and send them back to Washington with triumphant flying colors.

Many on the left live in a fantasy in which poor and middle-class white Republicans dwell in a world of false consciousness, simply failing to understand the degree to which Republican politicians betray them and their interests. The truth is far more disturbing: the people in these districts, particularly the ones who vote in Republican primaries, know precisely what their representatives are doing and what they stand for. They like it, and continue to vote for representatives even farther to the right year after year. Half of Republicans believe ACORN (read, black government workers) stole the election for Obama. 44% of Republicans either want to secede or simply aren’t sure. Self-described conservatives were 14 percentage points more likely to want to a buy a gun after the Sandy Hook massacre than not.

It doesn’t matter that Americans in general blame Republicans for the fiscal cliff mess far more than Democrats. What matters is that in the vast majority of Republican districts they’re considered heroes for standing up to the evil President, while the few sane or vulnerable ones in the House GOP caucus have no power. So why would they compromise? Why would they buckle? Their voters don’t want them to, and any retreat would only mean a potential challenge from the right. Most of them aren’t the least bit afraid of a Democratic opponent in 2014.

This is what makes the poker analogy so often used to criticize the President’s negotiating tactics such a weak metaphor. Obama is often said to be the worst poker player in history, consistently bluffing then folding. But the problem with that analogy is that Republican House members aren’t playing with their own chips: they’re playing with the country’s. The Republican electoral chips are stashed safely in gerrymandered hands, and any losses over fiscal cliffs or debt ceilings only hurt the President and the nation’s perception of government. There’s no downside for the GOP in bluffing every time in the hopes that the President will fold. Why not? When you’re playing with house money, it makes sense to go all in on every hand.

None of this is to say that the President shouldn’t be a tougher and more progressive negotiator. He should be.

But no one should delude themselves into believing that if he were, the Republicans would be intimidated and stand down. Quite the contrary. We are in uncharted waters, an era unprecedented since the Civil War in which one side is willing to let the country burn down in order to achieve its goals. Californians already know this well, having been forced into perpetual fiscal crises by a bare 1/3 Republican remnant in each chamber. Even as Republicans continued to slowly lose ground and seats, the vast majority of the caucus remained entrenched, fearing only opposition from the right. They were more than happy to let the Democratic-controlled state slip into chaos in order to get their way. California Democrats were left in the ugly position of making a series of Sophie’s Choices, determining only which children to shoot to appease the tiny Republican minority. In an era of perpetual and consequence-free hostage taking, the only calculation that matters is which hostages to save and which ones to shoot.

Changing that equation doesn’t involve intimidating Republicans or opening the eyes of their constituents. They’re not afraid, and their constituents are quite knowledgeably happy with them. Changing that equation means doing exactly what Californians found it necessary to do: changing the rules make the government more answerable to the majority. That partly involves killing the filibuster. It involves using the Constitution to bar using the debt ceiling as a hostage. It involves changing campaign finance to prevent billionaires from buying and swaying elections. It involves preventing legislators from drawing their own district lines to put real power back in the hands of voters. These and more are the sorts of structural reforms that would create real change.

But that change won’t come from bully pulpit politicians intimidating Republicans from gerrymandered districts into caving on progressive priorities. A more progressive bully pulpit would be nice from a long-term framing perspective, but it wouldn’t solve most of the immediate legislative problems. Republicans won’t care, and they have no reason to fold.

Hullabaloo Greatest Hits: The Grand Scam

*This post will remain at the top of the page for the rest of the day. Please scroll down for newer material.


Holiday Fundraiser Greatest Hits: Product Liability

by digby


Today there’s a lot of chatter about how the Republicans game the system by spending us into oblivion and then expecting the Democrats to clean up the mess. Krugman writes:

T]he whole deficit panic is fundamentally misplaced. And it’s especially galling if you look at what many of the same people now opining about the evils of deficits said back when we had a surplus. Remember, George W. Bush campaigned on the basis that the surplus of the late Clinton years meant that we needed to cut taxes — and Alan Greenspan provided crucial support, telling Congress that the biggest danger we faced was that we might pay off our debt too fast. Now Greenspan is helping groups like Fix the Debt.

And as Duncan Black points out, the Bush experience tells us something important about fiscal policy: namely, that when Democrats get obsessed with deficit reduction, all they do is provide a pot of money that Republicans will squander on more tax breaks for the wealthy as soon as they get a chance. Suppose Romney had won; do you have even a bit of doubt that all the supposed deficit hawks of the GOP would suddenly have discovered that unfunded tax cuts and military spending are perfectly fine?

The point is that the whole focus of budget discussion is based on a combination of bad economics and bad (and fundamentally dishonest) politics. We’re looking not so much at a Grand Bargain as at a Great Scam.

A Grand Scam it is. And it’s been obvious for quite some time. Let’s take a little trip down memory lane to eight and a half years ago, shall we?

Saturday, July 31, 2004

Product Liability

by digby 

One of the secrets of conservative America is how often it has welcomed Republican defeats.

You have to be either a fool or a patriot to feel the duty to govern after a Republican has been in power. They come in to office, reward themselves and their rich friends, totally screw up the country and then leave the mess for the Democrats to clean up. Then they use their time out of office assassinating the characters of the Democrats for fun and profit preparing the way for them to get back into office and screw it all up again. These people are not interested in governing in a democratic system, which takes negotiation, compromise and patience. They are about power which requires far less complexity.

This merry-go-round reflects an aspect of the American character that works to its own disadvantage in more ways than one. We have no sense of the past except that which has been created by mythmakers and screenwriters. We simply do not remember what really happened even a few short years ago. Unlike the Europeans and the Chinese, for instance, who behave as if slights from the 14th century happened five minutes ago, we are oblivious to even our recent political past.

Think about this. The American people decisively repudiated George Bush Sr in 1992. He got only 37% of the vote. Seven years later the Republican party was actively courting his namesake for president without any sense whatsoever that his association with a man widely regarded as a failure just a few short years before could be a problem. It was actually seen as a strength. The marketing mavens of the GOP understood very well that the brand name was all that mattered. The product failure of a few short years before had long been forgotten.

I suppose that this would be expected in a country that prides itself on offering people the chance to reinvent themselves, but I think it might just be helpful to re-frame this as a matter of corporate liability. The GOP gets away with murder over and over again, leaving chaos in its wake and forcing the taxpayers to clean up mess after toxic mess — savings and loan bailouts, record deficits, crumbling infrastructure, foreign wars and international threats. Their product is defective. 

This is why it’s been so frustrating to see the Democrats and the Villagers so slow to wake up what was going on. (Even today, I don’t think they really grasp it.)This is not new and it’s not some odd pathology born of Tea Party madness. It’s a strategy which has been in play for a good long while. And the opposition is either dumb or complicit at this point if they haven’t caught on. In fact, if the Democrats end up cutting social security and other vital safety net programs in this round of the ongoing scam, they will have become the biggest dupes in political history. It’s going to be hard to feel sorry for them when the Republicans use it to run against them. It’s not as if they couldn’t have seen it coming.

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Round one, almost done. Get ready for round two

Round one, almost done. Get ready for round two

by digby

So, this is the latest, via Sam Stein:

“Republican senators, leaving a Monday afternoon caucus meeting, told reporters that fiscal cliff negotiators have agreed to delay the $1.2 trillion in sequestration related cuts for two months. A Democratic source confirmed that timeframe. That puts the deadline roughly at the same time as the debt ceiling will have to be raised. This presents a natural invitation for lawmakers to exchange the lifting of the debt ceiling in exchange for spending cuts, which is bad news for an administration that has pledged not to negotiate at all over the debt ceiling. On the flip side, however, Republicans find the sequestration cuts far more onerous than Democrats (half come from defense funds). So the de facto outcome still does favor the president if, indeed, those cuts must be part of a debt ceiling deal.

It sounds like a trainwreck to me, taking the el foldo on the debt ceiling and compounding it with the threat of sequestration, but as I’ve said over and over again, every day that they don’t cut vital programs is a good day. But oy — that sounds like a recipe for austerity plus if I ever saw one. And considering that the President hasn’t exactly been a stalwart defender of our safety net in these negotiations, I will take a deep breath and then start thinking about how to organize to ensure they don’t get dealt away in “stage II” of a Grand Bargain deal.

This is like the Bataan death march.

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