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Month: October 2013

Flags of our grandfathers

Flags of our grandfathers

by digby

According to Robert Costa, this WWII memorial protest has given the GOPers on the Hill a shot of adrenaline after a week of disappointment and they’re gearing up to fight on next week with all they’ve got. I’m not kidding.

If you can’t fathom my report about Right enthusiasm/#war mentality following memorial protests, go ask a righty lawmaker, or check out…
— Robert Costa (@robertcostaNRO) October 13, 2013

… front pages of Breitbart, Twitchy, Drudge, Blaze, Townhall, Daily Caller, etc
— Robert Costa (@robertcostaNRO) October 13, 2013

When I say “big story,” I mean big story to those on Right on Hill who have some sway/decisions to make in the coming days
— Robert Costa (@robertcostaNRO) October 13, 2013

Retweeters of that pic say their “tears are flowing.”

This one makes me want to laugh:


Here’s the headline from Michelle Malkin:

‘Shut down the White House!’ Million Vets March protests outside the Spite House

Yes, it really is the funhouse mirror version of the 1960s — WWII vets protesting against the Democratic White House because the Republicans in congress shut down the government. I’m pretty sure somebody finally succeeded in putting LSD in the water supply.

Update: Also too, confederate flags. Classy.

Stand and deliver

Stand and deliver

by digby

Well, it is Gohmert. But then Candy Crowley asked Rand Paul this morning if he thinks it’s a bad idea to raise the debt ceiling and he said that Obama is being irresponsible and a bad leader for telling people that the nation will default if we don’t do it. So, he’s not alone in his delusions.

Crowley didn’t ask if Obama should be impeached if the Republicans refuse to raise the debt ceiling but I feel pretty confident that he’d be game.

This is exactly what Lincoln was saying in his Cooper Union speech:

[Y]ou will not abide the election of a Republican president! In that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then, you say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, “Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you will be a murderer!”

To be sure, what the robber demanded of me – my money – was my own; and I had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished in principle.

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Let’s remember what they can define as a victory

Let’s remember what they can define as a victory

by digby

More blah, blah, blah:

[E]ven if the current talks soon resolve the immediate impasse — that did not look likely on Saturday — any renewal of negotiations for a long-term fiscal plan will run into the same underlying problem that doomed efforts for the past three years:

Republicans refuse to raise additional tax revenue, and until they do, Mr. Obama will not support even his own tentative proposals for reducing spending on fast-growing social benefit programs, chiefly Medicare. During a White House meeting with Senate Republicans on Friday, he reiterated that the two go hand in hand, according to people who were there.

“Revenue remains obviously the biggest stumbling block,” said Ed Lorenzen, executive director of the Moment of Truth Project. (The group is led by the chairmen of Mr. Obama’s failed 2010 fiscal commission, Erskine Bowles, a former chief of staff in President Bill Clinton’s administration, and Alan K. Simpson, a former Senate Republican leader from Wyoming.)

“We’ve been through this fight before,” said Brian Gardner, a senior vice president in Washington for the financial house Keefe, Bruyette & Woods. “I’m very skeptical on the grand bargain.”

Yet Speaker John A. Boehner, who only a week ago again ruled out raising taxes, is demanding as part of a short-term deal that he and Mr. Obama return to the bargaining table for a deficit reduction blueprint covering many years and ultimately savings trillions of dollars.

While that prospect has cheered budget watchers in both parties, even they know the discouraging history of such negotiations. In the three years since Republicans won control of the House, there have been five bipartisan efforts to design a long-term debt-reduction plan, two of them between Mr. Obama and Mr. Boehner. All collapsed.

The president is following through on his promise to cut “entitlements” but only in exchange for some revenue. He promised this throughout the campaign so he hasn’t reneged on his campaign promises by doing this. Just as before, the hold up is the Tea Partiers who refuse to even consider the smallest, temporary “revenue.” Same as if ever was.

But it’s important for Democrats to recognize that the White House and many Democrats will consider themselves to have won this stand-off if they get the government open, raise the debt ceiling (both of which should be pro forma) and get an agreement to institute the Chained-CPI, cut Medicare and raise some revenue from closing corporate loopholes. That will be a victory. And none of us will in a position to argue because that’t what the president ran on when he said every single day on the campaign trail that he wanted “a balanced approach.” That’s what we voted for.

Now it’s entirely possible that just as the GOP has held this agreement off for three years now,  they will refuse to do anything that can be called a tax hike so the “entitlement” portion of our program will once again be kicked down the road.  But we’d better hope the president doesn’t decide he has to give up his bogus revenue demand for the greater good  — like lifting sequester cuts, which the Dems have added to the demand list in the Senate. (Or that both sides sit down and figure out a way to  finesse a phony revenue hike that appeases the Tea Partiers.)

But hey, maybe at the end of the day these Tea Partiers will be content to settle for something like cutting the medical device tax and then call it a day. Here’s hoping …

Meanwhile:

It appears the GOP is very rattled. Which is good. Maybe we’ll get out of this mess without losing something. Fingers crossed.

Update: This from Sam Stein covers where we stand in the Senate at the moment. The terrain has shifted in favor of the Democrats:

As the United States government approaches a deadline for raising the debt limit and the government shutdown nears its second week, Senate Democrats are taking a stand on sequestration.

The party’s leadership rejected an offer from Senate Republicans on Saturday morning mainly because the proposal locked in those budget cuts for too long.

Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) called it the “single biggest sticking point” in negotiations, while his counterpart in leadership, Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) deemed it the central dispute.

“The parties have different views. We passed a budget of $1.058 trillion and they passed one — the Ryan budget — [at] $988 [billion],” Schumer said. “So that is a serious issue.”

Democrats’ stand over sequestration is a nice surprise for some progressive members who worried leadership would cave in this area. But instead, they were emboldened after polling showed them with the upper hand in budget fights. Democrats also noted that they, too, were concerned about the severity of the cuts.

Under a Senate Republican proposal crafted by Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), the government would have been funded at $988 billion for the next six months. Many Senate Democrats said they could live with that number — just not for that long.

“If we can have a short term [continuing resolution at $988 billion] to get us through, say, the first of December, that is fine with me,” Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) told The Huffington Post.

The question, said Sen. Angus King (I-Maine), was: “Are we locked into the number for what amounts to the next year, or are we going to be able to get to the point where there are budget negotiations that can work with that number?”

The concern for Harkin and King, among others, is that the party could sacrifice too much negotiating power by signing off on Collins’ plan. Under the Budget Control Act, annual spending will be reduced to $967 billion around Jan. 15, regardless of the budget at the time. Democrats want to avoid that. They’ve concluded that it would be a misstep to put off a motivating moment (such as a budget deal ending) for those negotiations for six months, or to go on record supporting a six-month, $988 billion budget.

“[Waiting] would dis-incentivize the negotiation. It would put Democrats on a weaker ground,” said a top Senate Democratic aide. “If, in the next few days, we break the will of [Speaker] Boehner and Senate Republicans, and we pass both a clean CR and debt limit increase, I think that there is a belief within the Senate Democratic caucus that there is absolutely no way that they would have any leverage to make major demands in future negotiations about this, that we would be in a better position.”

Hints that Republicans may end up playing ball on sequestration emerged this week. House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) hinted that he would be willing to trade sequestration relief for entitlement reforms. Democrats aren’t ready to make that exchange yet because they view it as imbalanced, and because they want to get through the current crisis first.

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Eyes on the Senate: Tick tock, tick tock… by @DavidOAtkins

Eyes on the Senate: Tick tock, tick tock…

by David Atkins

Yes, it’s early, polls are a snapshot in time, a lot can happen in a year, increased partisanship means that shutdown is less likely to have dramatic polling effects on election day, yada yada. Still, some interesting food for thought on how the biggest electoral damage to the GOP from all of this shutdown nonsense could come in the Senate rather than the House:

Next year was supposed to be a prime opportunity for Republicans to retake the Senate. And for a while, everything seemed to be breaking their way: a wave of Democratic retirements, a fluke in the electoral map that put a large number of races in states that President Obama lost, a strong farm team of conservative Senate hopefuls from the House.

Then the government shut down. Now, instead of sharpening their attacks on Democrats, Republicans on Capitol Hill are being forced to explain why they are not to blame and why Americans should trust them to govern both houses of Congress when the one they do run is in such disarray. Complicating the prospects, the grass-roots political force that has provided so much of the energy for conservative victories over the last four years — the Tea Party — is aggressively working against Republicans it considers not conservative enough.

As a result, many Republicans are openly worrying that the fallout from the fiscal battles paralyzing the capital will hit hardest not in the House, which seems safely in Republican hands thanks to carefully redrawn districts, but in the Senate. Republican infighting, they say, has given Democrats the cover they need to deflect blame and keep their majority.

“The Tea Party benefits when the energy is focused on the Democratic Party and their agenda,” said Brian Walsh, a Republican consultant and former strategist for the National Republican Senatorial Committee. “What’s concerning is a select few groups trying to turn that fire inward on the Republican Party. And that is not helpful.”

In states like Georgia, Louisiana and Montana, the members of the House who are now running for the Senate are demanding that Mr. Obama make concessions on the health care law in exchange for reopening the government. That might help in a Republican primary, but it puts the candidates at risk of damaging their viability in the general election.

If things do pan out this way, it will have been the third cycle in a row in which the Tea Party will have cost Republicans their shot at taking the Senate. One wonders if the Kochs and the rest of the assorted plutocratic puppet masters still think they made a wise investment.

Remember, these folks are running out of time to get their Social Security and Medicare cuts before their voters age out of the electorate and a far more progressive electorate replaces them. They’ve got 15 years tops–and more likely 10 or less–before the politics get nearly impossible for them unless they attempt a shock doctrine/coup scenario. That’s partly what they’re doing with the shutdown, of course, but in 10 years even half measures like a government shutdown won’t be enough, or even possible for them. They just won’t have the numbers to sustain it: a lock on the South, a split decision in the midwest and a smattering of the least populated portions of the mountain west just aren’t enough to get it done.

Every blown election cycle runs down their collective clocks. For progressives, the only dynamic working in the opposite direction is climate change. Otherwise, time is on our side with every passing year.

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Saturday Night at the Movies by Dennis Hartley — John Ford wasn’t available: “Captain Phillips”

Saturday Night at the Movies




John Ford wasn’t available



By Dennis Hartley
Like drama for Dramamine: Captain Phillips














In his “New Rules” segment on HBO’s Real Time program last week, Bill Maher issued an important advisement: “Before seeing the new Tom Hanks movie, Captain Phillips, liberals in the audience must be warned that yes, the bad guys in the movie are black…and we apologize.” Apology accepted, Bill. That doesn’t necessarily mean that I’m not going to mention the teensy-weensy hint of colonial stereotyping I detected while watching the latest “ripped from the headlines” docudrama from British director Paul Greengrass. Of course, I understand that Mr. Greengrass had no control over the fact that the pirates who hijacked the U.S. container ship Maersk Alabama and took its captain hostage back in 2009 happened to be Somali nationals. Or that the Navy Seals came riding in (technically…rowing in) like the US Cavalry (along with seemingly half of the American fleet in the region) to take out three pirates and rescue one white guy. I mean, you couldn’t fantasize a more perfect mash-up for a director who specializes in real-world-based political dramas like United 93 or taut thrillers like The Bourne Supremacy.

And Greengrass does indeed run with it, enlisting screenwriter Billy Ray (State of Play, Breach) who co-adapted from the real-life Phillips’ autobiography, “A Captain’s Duty” along with the author and Stephan Talty, as well as relentlessly utilizing his patented herky-jerky “I think I’m gonna hurl” pseudo-Cinema Verite camera machinations (trust me, you’ll feel like you’ve been on a raft for three days by the end of the film). There’s very little point in giving you a plot summary, as anyone who watched the events unfold on the nightly news will remember how it went down. Even someone too young to remember can logically assume that since it is based on the protagonist’s personal memoir about his ordeal with his captors, he doesn’t like, you know, (spoiler alert!) die at the end.

So the key to the success or failure of any such film dramatization lies in the artistry of its execution and/or visceral entertainment value; and from that purely cinematic standpoint, Greengrass does an expert job at ratcheting up the tension and delivering the thrills (although I wish he could have kept that goddamned camera still long enough for me to regain my purchase at some point before the credits began to roll). In its best moments, the film (structurally, at least) recalls Hitchcock’s Lifeboat in the way Greengrass uses the claustrophobic staging in the film’s latter half to present a cross-sectional microcosm of (in this case) the effects of globalization (especially on impoverished third-world nations). And to his credit, Greengrass takes a stab at examining the socio-political factors fueling the pirates’ actions, particularly in several brief but well-played exchanges between Phillips (Hanks) and the Somali leader (Barkhad Abdi), but it feels perfunctory (truth be told, Cy Enfield did a more effective job at humanizing the “enemy” and reforming antiquated colonial stereotypes of Africans in his 1964 historical drama, Zulu).

Okay, the entertainment value is there, the acting is fine…so what’s my problem? I’m so glad you asked. It’s the same “problem” I had with Kathryn Bigelow’s Zero Dark Thirty (my review). While I’m proud to be a ‘murcan and all, and thank (insert local deity here) everyday that there are dedicated men and women much stronger and braver than I putting their lives on the line protecting “our” interests around the world 24/7, I just really get uncomfortable with this whole booyah kill mission thing that we do so (disturbingly) well. Greengrass tries for a hole-in-one, but drives his movie into the same fist-pumping for the death squad sand trap Bigelow did. Guess I’m tired of expecting a Secret Decoder Ring, only to discover it’s another crummy commercial…for American exceptionalism.

Anyone for a nice cup o’ hubris? Ovaltine?






































Saturday Night at the Movies review archives  

Update from digby:  Also too: this

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QOTD: Huckleberry Graham

QOTD: Huckleberry Graham

by digby

Ohhh baby:

“This is a very frustrated Lindsey Graham. Which is a very dangerous thing.” — Lindsay Graham.

And then he flounced off in a huff muttering something about watching a football game.

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Can we stop calling them “conservatives”? by @DavidOAtkins

Can we stop calling them “conservatives”?

by David Atkins

Many of the saner righties like David Frum have been saying this for some time now, but it bears repeating: the modern “conservative” movement isn’t conservative except in the sense that it desires to protect white male Christian privilege. As a matter of tactics and public policy, it’s a radical revolutionary movement.

Rep. Morgan Griffith (R-VA) suggested the House should reject an unfavorable agreement from the Senate, even if it resulted in a debt default that severely damaged the economy, The Hill reports.

Said Griffith: “We have to make a decision that’s right long-term for the United States, and what may be distasteful, unpleasant and not appropriate in the short run may be something that has to be done.”

He added: “I will remind you that this group of renegades that decided that they wanted to break from the crown in 1776 did great damage to the economy of the colonies. They created the greatest nation and the best form of government, but they did damage to the economy in the short run.”

It’s not just the elected officials and the interest groups, either. There are millions of Americans out there in gerrymandered districts who feel the same way, and they’ve armed themselves to the teeth. I don’t think a few negative poll numbers or even the loss of a few elections is going to change their mind.

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Introducing the Tea Party Young Turks

Introducing the Tea Party Young Turks

by digby

This interview with the young man who’s running Heritage Action is a must read for anyone trying to understand the machinations of the current crop of right wing zealots. It’s by Club for Growth founder Stephen Moore and even he seems a little bit scared of these guys:

‘I really believe we are in a great position right now,” says Michael Needham, the 31-year-old president of Heritage Action, the lobbying arm of the nation’s largest conservative think tank. By “we” he means the Republican Party and the conservative movement; their “great position” refers to the potential to win the political battle over the government shutdown.

Though Texas Sen. Ted Cruz is the public face of the high-risk strategy to “defund” ObamaCare, the masterminds behind it are a new generation of young conservatives, chief among them Mr. Needham. From a tactical view, the strategy has been deployed with precision. In August, only Mr. Cruz and a band of renegade tea-party Republicans in the House favored this approach, and the media collectively scoffed. But by September, House Republicans couldn’t pass a budget without attaching the defunding rider that has grounded much of government.

“We rallied the conservative grass roots across the country,” Mr. Needham says, and ran ads in more than 100 districts on the health law. It worked. During the August recess, these activists demanded that their members of Congress stop ObamaCare.

To most observers, who think the GOP is losing this fight, Mr. Needham’s optimism that Republicans will carry the day may seem astonishing. But Mr. Needham says the second-guessers are wrong.

“We just spent the last three months talking about nothing else but ObamaCare. It has been on the front page of every newspaper. The polls show ObamaCare’s more unpopular than ever. People are starting to wake up that it isn’t going to work at all,” he says. “Even Jon Stewart of ‘The Daily Show’ is making fun of the law.” On Monday, Mr. Stewart had Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius as a guest, Mr. Needham notes, and the host “bet that he could download every movie ever made before she could log on to the ObamaCare website.”

Has the House GOP strategy gone at all awry? Mr. Needham says no. “If conservative groups like Heritage Action hadn’t raised the stakes on ObamaCare,” he says, “we’d be debating on their side of the football field talking about tax increases, gun control, more spending and amnesty for illegal immigrants.” He notes that in addition to remaining steadfast on defunding ObamaCare, he and his allies are also supporting conservative goals such as preserving the spending caps and budget sequester.

They believe they will win — as long as they exhibit the same strength and fortitude the Democratic Party is allegedly known for:

So what is the endgame—is there any exit strategy short of Mr. Obama rolling over? Mr. Needham admits that ObamaCare will never be repealed as long as Mr. Obama is president, but he still thinks it can be defunded or delayed: “Look, Democrats usually win these fights because they do a better job of not cracking. Obama says he will never blink and we believe him. They’re very good at this. We’re obviously very bad at it.”

At some point, doesn’t there have to be a compromise? That’s the way the system works, after all. Yes, Mr. Needham agrees, “at some point in this fight somebody has to blink.” His mission, he says, is to persuade “the House not to blink first.”

He’s going to raise a lot of money …

Read the whole thing. It’s wild. If this young fellow is a good example of the young conservatives coming into their own, I think the idea they will “learn their lesson” from this experience is just a little bit optimistic.

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