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Month: October 2014

If they only had a president

If they only had a president

by digby

My Salon piece today is about the slick new House majority leader Kevin McCrthy and how he’s leading the press corps around by the nose:

[I]t’s not surprising that over the weekend the entire village began to kvell in unison at the news that McCarthy was lecturing Republicans about the need to “govern” lest they be locked out of the presidency again in 2016. If there is one thing the political establishment loves more than anything it’s a party leader scolding his own party, especially when they perceive it to be a call for a more genteel, centrist approach that doesn’t challenge the status quo in any measurable way.

Now in this case, there might be good reason to hope that Kevin McCarthy was putting some of his extremist colleagues on notice that their more outlandish shenanigans were not going to be tolerated any longer. No more government shutdowns, no more indiscriminate budget slashing, no more ludicrous investigations into Benghazi! or the IRS. Now is the time for the Republicans to show they are indeed the grown-ups in the room and start working across the aisle with Democrats to get things done for the good of the nation. Unfortunately, McCarthy doesn’t live in Republican Bizarro world and neither do we so the chances of that happening are about as good as the chance that Jerry Brown is going down to defeat next week. No, McCarthy is doing something a little bit different and if you parse his words carefully you’ll see what it is.

Read on. His plan is to show what might be … if only.

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For People by @BloggersRUs

For People
by Tom Sullivan

In the flood of campaign email and glimpsed web pages yesterday, someone commented on a campaign using the slogan (IIRC), “For Education. For People.” Education has become a near ubiquitous Democratic theme this year.

But what was eye-catching was the stark simplicity of “For People.” And the fact that somebody thought being for people is a snappy message for contrasting a Democrat with the opposition. “For People” sounds so bland, yet asks a stinging question. If your opponents are are not for people, what are they for?

I like it. In an age when one major party believes money is speech and corporations are people, you have to wonder. In an economic system striving to turn people into commodities and every human interaction into a transaction, what is the economy for? In a surveillance state that treats citizens as future suspects, what is freedom for? In an election where red states view voters as unindicted felons, what is democracy for?

Republicans themselves must be asking what they are really for, given the rebranding campaign released a month ago:


The party of Cruz and Ryan and Gohmert wants you to know Republicans really are normal people. No, really.

The No Labels Dream

The No Labels Dream


by digby

According to Jim Newell,  the centrist bucket of lukewarm spit known as No Labels is putting money into Cory Gardner’s campaign to unseat Mark Udall because Udall has been running a negative campaign.  This in spite of the fact that Cory Gardner is either a moron who voted for “Personhood” for blastocysts without knowing that it is an extremist policy designed to ban all abortion and many forms of birth control — or he’s a lying creep who believes that we should ban all abortion and many forms of birth control.  (Either that, or No Labels are also a bunch of lying creeps who are happy to ban abortion and many forms of birth control as a way of finding “common ground” with right wing extremists.) Whatever. Cory Gardner is an unreconstructed wingnut who has changed his spots so that he can get elected to the Senate in a swing state.  Nothing new about that.  But let’s not pretend he isn’t doing what we all know he’s doing.

Meanwhile, let’s take a look at one of his campaign ads, shall we?

I guess that’s considered a positive ad in No Labels terms.

No Labels is a centrist outfit that believes the best of all possible worlds is a GOP congress and a mealy mouthed Democratic president who will sign every piece of shitty conservative legislation out there on behalf of the wealthy elites of this country.  (Barring that, they’re happy to have a GOP congress and a GOP president — it’s just not quite a neat because they can’t pat themselves on the back for their bipartisanship.) We may be about to see whether President Obama will fulfill their dream for them.  God help us if he does.

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A very select club petitions one of its own members to do the right thing

A very select club petitions one of its own members to do the right thing

by digby

Hey, remember when President Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize? I know, those were heady times.
Check out what his fellow Peace Prize Winners are asking of him today:

Twelve winners of the Nobel Peace Prize asked President Barack Obama late Sunday to make sure that a Senate report on the Central Intelligence Agency’s use of harsh interrogation tactics is released so the U.S. can put an end to a practice condemned by many as torture.

The release of the report, which is the most detailed account of the CIA’s interrogation practices in the wake of the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, would be an opportunity for the U.S. and the world to come to terms with interrogation techniques that went too far, the laureates said in an open letter and petition. The release of the report by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence has stalled as the Obama Administration the CIA, and lawmakers clashed over how much of it should be redacted.

American leaders have “eroded the very freedoms and rights that generations of their young gave their lives to defend” by engaging in and justifying torture, the peace prize winners said. The letter was published on TheCommunity.com, a project spearheaded by Peace Prize winner and international peacemaker José Ramos-Horta.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa is among the laureates behind the letter, which also calls for the closure of the military prison at Guantanamo Bay.

Honestly, if they deep six the report (or redact it so heavily that it’s meaningless) I think President Obama has no choice but to give back his prize. There’s a lot of actions he’s taken as president that people could claim disqualify him for the prize anyway. Arguments about the dirty wars and targeted assassination programs alone will go on for generations. But one can, at least, say they represent some form of modern warfare and that the President of a military Empire is always going to be required to deal in such ugly matters. (That, in fact, s one reason why it was ludicrous to give him the prize in the first place — he runs the most powerful killing machine on the planet.)

But however you see his performance as Commander in Chief, There can be no debate about torture. It’s a war crime.It should be prosecuted. But even if they cannot do that, covering it up is to be complicit.

Telling people they can’t do something they have a right to do just makes them want to do it. #vote

Telling people they can’t do something they have a right to do just makes them want to do it. #vote

by digby

I heard rumors that O’Keefe and company are in North Carolina hoping to get some black faces on camera so they can raise a little money from their racist supporters. But it’s not likely to work. People are on to their tricks.

And anyway, the problem with all these vote suppression tactics is that it’s having the opposite effect. It turns out that people don’t like being told they cannot do what they have every right to do and so they get involved in ways they might otherwise not have done. Imagine that:

This fall, two immigrant-support organizations in Charlotte are joining forces to reach out to a thousand Latino and Asian voters in North Carolina’s largest city to cast votes in this November’s midterm elections.

The Latin American Coalition (LAC) and the Southeast Asian Coalition (SEAC) are two organizations supporting the booming populations of Latino and Southeast Asian immigrants in Charlotte. They share an office in central Charlotte and first crossed paths through the national New Americans Campaign, through which they have worked together to support immigrants through the naturalization process and to push for comprehensive immigration reform.

This fall, LAC and SEAC are coming together again in a home-grown effort to mobilize a thousand registered Asian and Latino voters of the 9,000 Asian and 17,000 Latino* registered voters in Charlotte. Targeting two precincts in southwest Charlotte with the highest numbers of registered Latino and Asian voters, LAC and SEAC plan to reach out through door knocks, mailers, robo-calls, and live calls in the weeks leading up to the election.

With a goal of making 12 touches per voter, the project is the most intensive get-out-the-vote (GOTV) campaign that either group has undertaken. It will test and build the organizing capacity of each organization as they look to 2016 and beyond.

The campaign also experiments with mail-in absentee ballots as a way to increase turnout among immigrants. LAC and SEAC’s joint teams of Latino, Asian, and other canvassers are knocking on the doors of Latino and Asian households, encouraging people to mail in their vote by absentee ballot this year. It’s a method of voting that’s been growing across the country in recent years and makes voting easier for voters, particularly those who can’t take time off from work to go to the polls. Oregon and Washington state actually conduct all of their voting by mail. In North Carolina, any registered voter can request an absentee ballot by sending in a request form. These must be submitted by Oct. 28, a week before Election Day. Ballots must then be returned to the voter’s county board of elections by 5 p.m. on Nov. 4.

Gosh, all these African Americans and latinos and Asians all seem to be getting involved in politics. It looks like trying to suppress their vote is having a galvanizing effect.

Here’s a little ditty about Vote Suppression that’ll get stuck in your head all evening:

If you haven’t donated to any Blue America candidates as yet, here’s the page. All the money at this stage will go toward getting out the vote. We’d love to see some of these folks defy the odds and with your help it’s entirely possible that a few of them might just pull it off. Stay tuned.

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Talkin’ ’bout my g-g-g-g-generation

Talkin’ ’bout my g-g-g-g-generation

by digby

As I watch cynical Republicans accuse Democrats of hating old people because they supported cuts to Social Security I keep thinking about the fact that so many people seem to believe that’s not a big deal because old people are all Republicans.  Setting aside the fact that at this point it’s only old white people who are voting Republican, it seems like a good time to remind everyone that Social Security is the most successful anti-poverty program in American history and remains the Democratic Party’s signature achievement. Before social security millions of elderly people lived in dire straits , often literally in the poorhouse, even before the depression. The end of the agrarian way of life that featured intergenerational support on the farm meant more of the elderly were in cities. Companies wouldn’t hire them, even if they were able to work. They were barely hanging on:

Mrs. M.A. Zoller of Beaumont, Texas, begged for someone to help her 82-year-old mother, who, she wrote, was diabetic, “out of funds completely,” and had “no place to go unless it be to the poorhouse.”

And over the hill to the poorhouse many older people went. Financed by local taxes, poorhouses were the shelters for all of a region’s indigent, and in the early 20th century, most counties had one. The best of the poorhouses provided a meager standard of living. The worst doubled as insane asylums and orphanages. “I was three miles from town but felt like I was 3,000 miles from friends and country,” wrote Ed Sweeney in his 1927 memoir, “Poorhouse Sweeney.” “I have ate off trays that looked like they had spent the rainy season laying on a city dump.”

Germany, Sweden, France and England, among other countries, already had legislated publicly funded old-age insurance before Americans took up the debate. Proponents in the U.S. wondered why men and women who had been diligent, thrifty workers should suffer hunger and insecurity in their old age. In a letter to an editor, a postal worker pointed out that horses owned by the federal government lived out their old age on full rations. “For the purpose of drawing a pension,” he declared, “it would have been better if I had been born a horse than a human being.”

Opponents argued that sensible people would provide for themselves, and that universal old-age insurance would set the country on the slippery slope to socialism. Children, not the state, were obliged to care for the old, they said; without that responsibility, family ties would loosen. And if employees were guaranteed lifetime support, wouldn’t they feel less incentive to work hard?

Even after the Social Security Act became law, it was vigorously challenged in America’s courts.

“The hope behind this statute,” wrote Justice Benjamin Cardozo for the bare 5-4 majority of the Supreme Court in 1937, “is to save men and women from the rigors of the poorhouse, as well as from the haunting fear that such a lot awaits them when journey’s end is near.”

It’s scary even with social security. I can’t imagine what it was like without it.

Anyway, the elderly, for all their prejudices and simple pain-in-the-assedness are a constituency that has the Democratic Party to thank for the fact that they are not consigned to poverty. And the Democratic Party traditionally reminded them of that every election day. Unfortunately, their recent experience tells them that the Democratic Party is more than willing to cut their benefits and that’s just a shame. Certainly the Republicans are shameless enough to exploit it.

And as for their voting habits, they are not a cohort that always votes Republican. It’s idiotic for younger Democrats to make that assumption and write off this group of people who are very dedicated voters:

The generational math is different than you might think.

One of my favorite bits of trivia points to the bigger picture: “From which age group did Bill Clinton win the highest percentage of votes in 1992?”

Seniors.

Indeed, if you came of age during the Franklin D Roosevelt administration, you are more Democratic than the nation as a whole. If you could first vote during the administrations of Ronald Reagan or George HW Bush, you’re more Republican. Turn 18 while Barack Obama held the White House and, again, you’re more Democratic. That’s right: the 18-29 year-olds of today are about as Democratic as their oldest grandparents and great-grandparents.

I’m in the Nixon group up there. And we are very, very Democratic as group. There is a boatload of us — we’re the second half of the baby boom. We are also scared to death about our financial future since we just lost our shirts in the financial crisis and many of us lost our homes and our houses and we don’t feel we have enough time to get it back.

This is a natural Democratic constituency. And even the vanguard boomers who tend to vote more Republican aren’t nearly as Republican as the group coming up who came of age during the Reagan years.

And anyway, old people deserve to live in dignity even if they are Republicans. After all, if we’re lucky, we’ll all be old someday. It’s kind of startling to recognize that you’re there (or on the precipice) and see that the Democratic party is willing to use you as a pawn in a Grand Bargain in Washington that seems to serve no one but Wall Street and the wealthy.

And ponder this:

Many might think that these Roosevelt-generation voters are going to be replaced by more liberal Obama-era voters, but polling casts that theory into doubt. Just because today’s college students are liberal doesn’t mean tomorrow’s will lean left, too.

UCLA has been polling freshman college students for over 40 years on their political beliefs, and has found that young people are hardly automatic Democrats.

On the eve of the 2008 election (pdf), the most college freshmen in 35 years – 30.3% of men and 37.4% of women – described themselves as liberal or left. Combined, that matches the 33% percentage of 18-29 year-olds who described themselves as liberals in 2012. In other words, the new college students of 2008 were representative of a new generation of liberals.

On the eve of the 2012 election, the percentages of liberals among first-year college men and women dropped by 4pt and 5pt, to 26.4% and 32.4%, respectively. The liberal percentage is about 10pt higher than it was during the Reagan administration (pdf), but it’s a major liberal decline – nearly on par with what occurred between the 1976 and 1980 elections.

New college students are liberal – just not as liberal as freshmen were four years ago. This new class is about as liberal as young people were early in the Carter and Clinton administrations. People who turned 18 during the Carter administration ended up being somewhat more Republican than average; those who came of age during Clinton’s were somewhat more Democratic. How today’s college freshmen will vote likely depends on the state of the economy over the next four years.

Are the new college freshmen just a blip in a sea of student liberalism?

The polling says “probably not”. Before the election, American University/GfK polled high school (13-17 year-olds) and college students. The margin between Obama and Mitt Romney for high school students was 21pt less than among all college students. (Note: there’s no discernible difference between the voting patterns of 18-29 year-olds with at least some college education and those without.)

The huge fall isn’t exactly surprising. The Roosevelt generation is liberal because people became politically aware when Roosevelt was viewed as a success. The Gipper generation is conservative for the same reason with regard to Reagan. Conversely, the younger Bush is mostly viewed as a failure, and as such, most young people revolted.

Obama’s presidency, meanwhile, is only seen as a moderate success – as illustrated by a rather close re-election margin in the popular vote. Given past history, it’s expected to be seen as somewhere between good and average, as far as presidencies go. We would expect, therefore, that people who come of age during this presidency to be about as Democratic as the nation, or slightly more so.

And that’s exactly what seems to be happening.

Indeed, the generation of the next few years isn’t likely to be either conservative or overwhelmingly liberal; it’s probably going to be moderate. The UCLA survey found that the fastest growing group are people who describe themselves as “middle of the road”. On social issues, like gay marriage, they lean lean to left; on fiscal issues, like healthcare, they lean more to the right than the majority of current 18-29 year-olds.

Overall, I doubt we’re looking at a pipeline of new liberals. Far more than most young voters today, the next generation is likely to be up for grabs.

This is why relying on age demographics to magically change everything is a foolish mistake. As Perlstein reminds us in The Invisible Bridge, everyone assumed in the 1970s that the “Now generation” was destined to drag the Democratic Party to the left. One could say that in terms of the culture war that did happen at least to some extent. But on matters of war and peace and economic ideology I think it’s fair to ask how that assumption has worked out for us.

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See no sugar, by @Gaius_Publius

See no sugar

by Gaius Publius

Fans of Hullabaloo know that healthy eating is all the rage around here. We’re especially no fan of sugar, the devil’s sweetener — though personally I’d send “modified food starch” and all its cousins to an even lower ring of the Inverse Paradise. But that’s me; I’m from a corn state.

It seems John Oliver, the best political comedian on television, agrees. Here’s Oliver on sugar, a delightful and educational watch. Enjoy:

Why is sugar profitable?

“Sugar activates the brain in a special way. It’s very reminiscent of drugs like … cocaine.”

Sounds tempting, if you’re a predatory food-providing sort. So how prevalent is sugar?

“We have no idea how prevalent sugar is in everything we eat. Look at Clamato juice, the original tomato cocktail … with clam. One serving has 11 grams of sugar in it. So they clearly thought, ‘Look, let’s improve the taste by adding sugar,’ instead of thinking, ‘Let’s improve the taste by removing the clam.'”

Be sure to notice what happens to the over-sugared rat at 3:25 in the clip. The effects of a “North American diet”? You decide.

By the way, if you’re curious why sugar buys so much sweetened legislation in Congress, look no further than our own Debbie Wasserman Schultz. Do click; it’s a fun bipartisan read.

GP

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The most influential hitman in American politics

The most influential hitman in American politics


by digby

Did you know that the man who brought the infamous case of Citizens United vs the FEC to the Supreme Court is now teamed up with Michelle Malkin and they’re making a movie together?  Well they are. And it’s a doozy.  it’s about how liberal billionaire potheads have turned Colorado into a dystopian hellhole by stopping drilling and getting everyone stoned.  Seriously.

Anyway, I thought it was good time to revisit the story of David Bossie the conservative activist who runs Citizens United and has had a more profound effect on American politics than almost any other wingnut.  I wrote about him for Salon today:

You have to wonder how many people in America, even those who are well informed, make the connection between the notorious Supreme Court decision that unleashed unprecedented campaign spending and the slimy political assassination outfit called Citizens United that brought the case? It’s not that people of low character have never succeeded in winning Supreme Court cases before. But it’s difficult to find a group with less integrity than this one.

You may recall that the case itself was about a film called “Hillary: the Movie,” which was produced by Citizens United in anticipation of the 2008 election and which the FEC ruled was not a movie at all but rather a 90-minute campaign commercial that was “susceptible of no other interpretation than to inform the electorate that Senator Clinton is unfit for office, that the United States would be a dangerous place in a President Hillary Clinton world, and that viewers should vote against her.” This designation as an advertisement ran afoul of elements of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance legislation and Theodore Olson, Citizens United’s attorney, filed a case against the FEC claiming its First Amendment rights had been violated. And the rest is history.

What many people may not know, however, is the history of Citizens United. It goes all the way back to the 1980s when it was created by the notorious hatchet man from Arkansas, Floyd Brown of Willie Horton fame. In 1992, in anticipation of a flood of juicy opportunities for character assassination of fellow Arkansan Bill Clinton, he brought on David Bossie, a young and ambitious GOP operative. Their joint effort was a massive and instant success with the media, which used it as a major “source” for years. As early as 1994 some media critics were concerned about the group’s allure among the press corps. Trudy Lieberman wrote an exposé of the group called “Churning Whitewater” for the Columbia Journalism Review, although nobody in the mainstream media seemed particularly concerned.

It was a shocking expose actually, which I only read years later after the scandal mongering was in full effect. In just a few years Bossie would be very publicly fired for doctoring tapes and transcripts as the “chief investigator” for Congressman Dan Burton. You’d think that would be the end of it. But he was so popular among the DC press corps and had the benefit of all that wingnut welfare so he made a very quick comeback.

Anyway, read the whole thing to get a taste of just how influential a garden variety character assassin can become in American politics. Somebody ought to make a movie about it.

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Glib-ism by tristero

Glib-ism 

by tristero

George Packer, writing about Laura Poitras,

How much was the U.S. government hounding critics for political, rather than legal, reasons? To what extent was the government’s capacity for surveillance matched by its will to abuse it? In the cloistered world of expatriate Berlin, a sense of proportion was hard to maintain. Secrecy became self-perpetuating and, for some of Poitras’s friends, self-important. Cut off from daily life in America, encrypted to the hilt, and surrounded by Europeans who were willing to believe the worst, Poitras was, in many ways, making a film about her own strange social world—an atmosphere that seemed likely to constrict the free flow of ideas. 

That is truly elegant writing. Very few people have the talent to compose sentences like this, let alone string them together with such seaming little effort, let alone pivot so gracefully to a more all-embracing idea. Indeed, Packer’s prose is very convincing.

But it is utter bullshit.

Packer’s talking about the film that eventually became Citizenfour, Poitras’s amazing, not-to-be-missed movie on Edward Snowden. But Poitras, even in the early stages, was never making a film about “her own strange social world.” Back then, she was doing what everyone creative does (including Packer himself), simply exploring the material she had access to and playing with it, trying to find a structure. Yet Packer, describing this common practice, invites us to dismiss her entire milieu – not just Assange or Appelbaum – as a claque of weirdos, of little interest to The Serious Amongst Us. The further implication is that Poitras and her work are also not that Serious, either.

But given the fact that Poitras herself had been detained some 40 times, many people around the world, not merely those easily misled “Europeans,” are, for very good reasons, quite “willing to believe the worst”about the US government and its obsessive pursuit of the chimera of Total Information Awareness.

As for the “atmosphere” in Poitras’s circle being “likely to constrict the free flow of ideas…” well, just  think about that for a few seconds. If you do it’s obvious that the vastly more likely constrictor of the free flow of ideas is the most powerful surveillance technology in the world being used to monitor every single electronic communication, not the feeble effort of an expat community trying to evade the spying.

But hold on. I think I’m being unfair to poor Mr. Packer. According to Frankfurter, a bullshitter…

…does not care whether the things he says describe reality correctly. He just picks them out, or makes them up, to suit his purpose.

In reading over the article again (and thinking about his work in general), I think Packer does care about describing reality correctly. The problem is that reality for him is mediated by aesthetics and he often confuses being glib for the truth. He clearly loves the sound of his sentences, the graceful flow of their grammar and syntax, their rhythm. Packer’s genuine ability to write like a mofo hypnotizes many readers into believing what he says. It surely has the same effect on him. He simply can’t resist his talent.

So, speaking technically, Packer is not a bullshitter. He doesn’t have enough self-awareness to be. He really thinks that because what he writes is so well-crafted, therefore his opinions actually depict reality. 

But a well-articulated sentence is not necessarily a substantive one. Look at how he describes Snowden’s speaking style (as if it mattered in the slightest):

…he keeps speaking in the hyper-rational, oddly formal sentences of a computer techie.

This is such a precise description, it conjures up an entire image of the man. The problem is that that is not how I hear how Snowden actually speaks. To me, he sounds like someone who knows exactly what he is talking about, and like someone who, despite enormous pressure, is keeping it together.

More seriously, Packer tries to cast aspersions on Snowden’s motives, as if Snowden’s character was somehow as important as the wholesale invasion of privacy of the entire world by the US government.

Also, Packer’s attempt to drive a wedge between Binney and Snowden is quite misleading. While Binney did once say Snowden was “transitioning from whistle-blower to a traitor,” (in re “hacking into China”), that was in June, 2013, before anyone, including Binney, knew very much. However,  by June of 2014 Binney said:

In the debate on Snowden as either patriot or traitor, Binney opts for the former: “I would put him as a patriot, yes. He is trying to stand up for the Constitution. That’s what we all did and our government attacked us for doing that. So, in my view, the government is the criminal here.”

Exactly. Packer’s attempts to twist the story from the real “criminal” to the messenger don’t withstand even a mere blogger’s scrutiny.

Poitras’s film was never about Snowden’s personal life, which she made very, very clear (for example, by not interviewing his girlfriend). It was also not about the leaks themselves, either. It is, for me, the documentation of an astonishing historical moment that focuses on the behavior of the people at the center of it – Snowden, Poitras, and Greenwald. They behaved then with remarkable poise and responsibility (and they continue to do so). They acted as if they knew full well that they were quite unimportant, that the only story that mattered was the American government’s mind-bogglingly wholesale destruction of personal privacy.

That is not an especially glib or original insight on my part. But I think it happens to be real.

UPDATE: More on Packer and Snowden.

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You can’t say poll tax by @BloggersRUs

You can’t say poll tax

by Tom Sullivan

The 1981 recording of Lee Atwater explaining the Southern Strategy finally made it onto the Net a couple of years ago. You know the one. It’s the interview where he says:

You start out in 1954 by saying, “Ni**er, ni**er, ni**er.” By 1968 you can’t say “ni**er”—that hurts you, backfires. So you say stuff like, uh, forced busing, states’ rights, and all that stuff, and you’re getting so abstract. Now, you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is, blacks get hurt worse than whites. … “We want to cut this,” is much more abstract than even the busing thing, uh, and a hell of a lot more abstract than “Ni**er, ni**er.”

It’s the decades-old racial strategy that RNC chief Ken Mehlman apologized for to the NAACP in 2005. For what that was worth.

Jeffrey Toobin muses this morning in the New Yorker about recent court rulings on photo ID laws and what voting rights activists might do to counteract them. He includes quotes from federal district court Judge Nelva Gonzales Ramos’ opinion — struck down by the U.S. Supreme Court — that the Texas photo ID statute, SB 14, “constitutes an unconstitutional poll tax” with an “impermissible discriminatory effect against Hispanics and African-Americans.” But reading the words this time recalled the Atwater quote.

Maybe it was the photos Dante Atkins shared from a naturalization ceremony at the L.A. Convention Center last week. Afterwards, newly minted citizens crowded the Democrats’ voter registration tent. At the Republican table nearby? Crickets.

Just as in the heyday of “forced busing” debates, Republicans have gone abstract. The dog whistles are pitched so high, many among their base don’t recognize them for what they are. They insist that photo ID laws are not discriminatory (as Ramos ruled), and they get quite testy if you suggest it. If photo ID laws hurt “a bunch of college kids” or “a bunch of lazy blacks” more than older, white Republicans, “so be it.” That is, as Atwater said, a byproduct.

So poll taxes are back, targeted not just at blacks and Hispanics, but at other groups that tend to vote for Democrats. Only in 2014 you can’t say “poll tax.” That backfires. So now it’s “election integrity,” “ballot security,” “restoring confidence,” etc. A hell of a lot more abstract than “poll tax.”