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Month: February 2017

Global warming has actually reached nearly +1.5°C already, by @Gaius_Publius

Global warming has actually reached nearly +1.5°C already

by Gaius Publius

Slide 5 from the “NOAA/NASA Annual Global Analysis for 2016” (pdf here; click to enlarge image). As you’ll read below, global temperature in 1910 is a good proxy for “pre-Industrial global temperature.” Thus, converting °F in the chart to °C, global warming has reached nearly +1.5°C already. More than +0.2°F (+0.1°C) or that rise came in just the last two years.

In honor of Trumps ascension, it’s going to be climate
week here at La Maison, just to help get people oriented to where we stand relative to Mother Earth and her interest in having our species around a while longer.

Note as you read, though —
this is not fatalistic, yet. There are always things to do before it’s
too late, and there’s not sign, yet, that it’s too late. More on the
“things to do” in a bit. For now, the state of things.

How to define “pre-Industrial” global temperature

I wrote recently about Trump, climate change and the upward march of global temperature: “Trump Takes Office Following the Three Hottest Years in Recorded History.” Now I’d like to extend that idea in a couple of easy charts and one added thought.

The first chart to look at is below. Let’s start with a broad look at average global temperature during the Holocene, the period during which our species came out of the Stone Age, became civilized (i.e., lived in settlements; “civilization” has the same root as “city”) and entered the modern era.

The Holocene starts around 12,000 years ago, at the end of the most recent ice age, as the last ice receded and the earth warmed to its current temperature range.

Global average temperature during the Holocene. Blue curve: Global temperature reconstruction from proxy data of Marcott et al, Science 2013. Recent instrumental measurements shown in red (global temperature from the instrumental HadCRU data). Graph: Klaus Bitterman. (Source; my annotation; click to enlarge)

In this chart, “zero” on the Y-axis is the average global temperature in the years 1961–1990. The zero point doesn’t matter though; what matters is where the most recent low (the “pre-industrial global temperature”) is. I’ve pointed it out in the chart.

(“Pre-industrial temperature” refers to the average surface temperature of the
earth prior to the start of the Industrial Revolution — the year 1781
when the James Watt steam engine was invented. But it’s generally taken
to be around 1800, before the climate effects of industrialized
coal-burning became apparent. “Pre-Industrial temperature” is a commonly used start point for measuring global warming. A statement like “global warming of +2°C” means “a 2°C increase above pre-Industrial temperature.”)

Note, as you look at the chart of the entire Holocene above, that the oldest civilizations, like the Sumerian, date to only 5,000 BCE or so, and proto-writing appears no earlier than about 3,000 BCE or later.Through more than half of this period, humans remained in the Stone Age.

Note also that the Holocene temperature range, from lowest temperature to highest, is no greater than about 0.7°C — less than one full degree of average temperature fluctuation for the entire period. Of course, regional variations have been much greater, but it’s the globe as a whole we’re concerned about. Thanks to the narrowness of this temperature range, there have always been many places on earth, not just a few, for humans to flourish. Had there been just a few, our population would be much smaller and “civilization” (humans in settlements) would have been much less wide spread.

Put differently, all of human civilization existed on a planet whose average temperature fluctuation was about two-thirds of a degree Celsius. The “pre-Industrial temperature” is also the modern low of that temperature range.

In the next chart, let’s look at the end of the above time period, the final 1000 years, in greater detail.

(Source; click to enlarge)

The time frame covers from the year 1000 to about 2013 (2013 is the publication date; the last data sample may be from 2012). The blue line now shows the “PAGES2K” temperature reconstruction, but it gives similar results to the Marcott reconstruction (as discussed by climate scientist Stefan Rahmstorf here).

Note that the global temperature low at about 1900–1910 (the first deep dip in the instrumental readings, the red line) is a good proxy for the pre-industrial temperature low pointed out in the chart. We can take the temperature in that later period (1900 or so) to be nearly the same as the “pre-Industrial low.”

Now look at the chart at the very top, from the recent “NOAA/NASA Annual Global Analysis for 2016” (pdf). Note that global average temperature from the low of 1910 to the 2016 high runs from –0.8°F to +1.8°F, a difference of 2.6°F — or 1.44°C — above the 1910 low. (It’s a little less in other datasets — for example, see Slide 4 of the same report — but not by enough to matter.)

Two points:

  • The Paris climate agreement had hoped to hold global warming to no more than +1.5°C above the pre-Industrial temperature. This is not going to happen. We’re almost at that point now, and we’ll breach that goal in just a few years.
  • From the chart at the top, note that the two-year rise from 2014 to 2016 was, converted to Celsius, +0.1 degrees all on its own. Three more two-year periods like this and global temperatures will cross +2°C, the extremely generous IPCC “magic barrier” after which, in lay language, “we’re mainly screwed.”

This doesn’t mean we should do nothing to adapt to the blow — it’s always necessary and wise to adapt, even if the start of adaptation is very late. But the window to mitigate — to lessen the blow — is rapidly closing. Remember, once the social and political chaos reaches critical mass (once there’s too much of it), global warming will run to its natural conclusion.

Elsewhere I’ve predicted the “natural conclusion,” barring conscious intervention, to be global warming of +7°C before humans are forced to stop emitting so much CO2, either through greatly diminished numbers, or greatly diminished technology, or both.

Global average temperature and Donald Trump

Now the added thought. As of this minute, we humans aren’t slowing or stopping our carbon emissions. We continue to add carbon emissions to the atmosphere at close to 10 GtC (gigatons of carbon) per year — or, if you measure the CO2 emitted instead of the carbon burned, by more than 3.67 GtCO2 per year. (GtC and GtCO2 are two ways of measuring the same thing. GtC measures the amount of carbon burned. GtCO2 measures the CO2 it becomes after being burned.)

With Trump in office, the rate will surely increase. First, he is determined to encourage exploitation and extraction of U.S. fossil fuels to the greatest extent possible. Any fuel extracted will be burned. Second, U.S. abandonment of “carbon restraint” will encourage the same behavior by other energy-poor countries like India. Third, world leadership, both moral and practical, in the fight against climate change will pass from the U.S. to either Europe, China, or both.

In which case, fourth, the U.S. will be come a pariah among nations, whether the rest of the world drowns itself or saves itself in the climate decade ahead.

Unless, of course, he pushes people too far and they “Easter Island” his regime instead.

There’s always a choice, and we make it every day. Just sayin’.

(A version of this piece appeared at Down With Tyranny. GP article archive here.)

GP
 

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The president apprentice by @BloggersRUs

The president apprentice
by Tom Sullivan

President Donald Trump regularly poses for publicity shots of him signing executive orders with members of his team in tableau behind him. He’s promoting a kind of Oval Office reality show for which he’s assembled a cast of colorful misfits. Trump’s a little slow on the uptake, but reality itself is slowly sinking in.

The presidency isn’t the job Donald Trump thought it was.

Trump isn’t The Boss. He isn’t the owner. He is not CEO of USA, Inc. Not of Congress. Not of the courts. He is in charge of executive branch agencies, but even then, under law many simply will not bow to his whim or comply with illegal orders.

He is a public employee. HE reports to U.S. That is not at all Trump’s idea of winning.

So the run-in with the courts over his immigration executive order must be killing his buzz. When over the weekend Trump unleashed a barrage of tweets aimed at U.S. District Judge James Robart for halting portions of Trump’s travel ban, it became clear what I’ve said repeatedly: Republicans don’t want to govern, they want to rule.

Some of the more seasoned of Trump’s colleagues understand how (at least in theory) things really work. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) told CNN’s “State of the Union” Sunday, it is “best to avoid criticizing judges individually.” Vice President Mike Pence defended Trump’s speaking his mind, but conceded the judge “certainly does” have the authority to stay Trump’s order.

The Tweeter-in-Chief thinks otherwise. As does Mike Huckabee, who rejects that checks and balances apply to Republican presidents.

Dahlia Lithwick and Mark Joseph Stern write at Slate:

But Huckabee doesn’t see it that way—and neither, it seems, does Donald Trump or Trump’s Justice Department. The government’s brief urging the 9th Circuit to lift Robart’s injunction questions whether the judiciary should have the power to review Trump’s order at all. Robart’s injunction, the brief states, “harms the public by thwarting enforcement of an Executive Order issued by the nation’s elected representative … and second-guesses the President’s national security judgment.” Later, the brief reiterates that “judicial second-guessing of the President’s national security determination in itself imposes substantial harm on the federal government and the nation at large.”

These passages are both puzzling and unnerving. It is literally the judiciary’s job to “second-guess” the government. That’s called judicial review—or, in terms even Huckabee’s ninth-grade civics class would understand, checks and balances. The argument that judicial review itself “imposes substantial harm” on the government and the nation is downright bizarre. It would seem to undermine the bedrock of Marbury, creating a new, diminished constitutional role for courts: Scrutinize the legality of government decisions, except when the government says you shouldn’t. (It’s worth noting that the Supreme Court has already considered and rejected government efforts to limit the court’s ability to hear constitutional claims in the realm of national security.)

The only checks Trump recognizes are those he can cash; the only balances he cares about are the ones he won’t disclose from his portfolio. He expected to rule. The president-apprentice is just finding out that’s not how this works.

Welcome to the party, pal.

The big cover-up

The big cover-up

by digby

Apparently the media is covering up … terrorist attacks.
Here’s Trump giving a speech earlier to day to a bunch of wildly cheering military commanders in Florida:

Radical Islamic terrorists are determined to strike our homeland as they did on 9/11, as they did from Boston to Orlando to San Bernardino, and all across Europe. You have seen what happened in Paris and Nice. All over Europe, it’s happening,” Trump said. “It’s gotten to a point where it’s not even being reported. And in many cases the very, very dishonest press doesn’t want to report it. They have their reasons, and you understand that.”

This from the president who hasn’t mentioned, even once, the white supremacist who mowed down half a dozen people in a mosque in Quebec last week. But then the white supremacist is a big fan of Trump’s so he figures he must be doing something right.

I’m just going to run this one more time:

It’s nothing more than racist fearmongering. He’s looking for a war against Muslims, here and abroad. And he’ll be happy to start persecuting Mexicans and incarcerating millions more African Americans to keep “us” “safe.”

Also, he’s nuts.

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Count me among the hyperventilators

Count me among the hyperventilators

by digby

I was hyperventilating about Donald Trump before hyperventilating about Donald Trump was cool. I knew he could win. And I knew he was incredibly dangerous. He scared the living hell out of me from the moment he descended that elevator.


Adam Gopnik in the New Yorker on Trump’s radical un-Americanism:

Within two weeks of the Inauguration, the hysterical hyperventilators have come to seem more prescient in their fear of incipient autocratic fanaticism than the reassuring pooh-poohers. There’s a simple reason for this: the hyperventilators often read history. Regimes with an authoritarian ideology and a boss man on top always bend toward the extreme edge, because their only organizational principle is loyalty to the capo. Since the capo can be placated only by uncritical praise, the most fanatic of his lieutenants end up calling the shots. Loyalty to the boss is demonstrated by hatred directed against his enemies.

Yet what perhaps no one could have entirely predicted was the special cocktail of oafish incompetence and radical anti-Americanism that President Trump’s Administration has brought. This combination has produced a new note in our public life: chaotic cruelty. The immigration crisis may abate, but it has already shown the power of government to act arbitrarily overnight—sundering families, upending long-set expectations, until all those born as outsiders must imagine themselves here only on sufferance of a senior White House counsellor.

Some choose to find comfort in the belief that the incompetence will undermine the anti-Americanism. Don’t bet on it. Autocratic regimes with a demagogic bent are nearly always inefficient, because they cannot create and extend the network of delegated trust that is essential to making any organization work smoothly. The chaos is characteristic. Whether by instinct or by intention, it benefits the regime, whose goal is to create an overwhelming feeling of shared helplessness in the population at large: we will detain you and take away your green card—or, no, now we won’t take away your green card, but we will hold you here, and we may let you go, or we may not.

This is radical anti-Americanism—not simply illiberalism or anti-cosmopolitanism—because America is not only a nation but also an idea, cleanly if not tightly defined. Pluralism is not a secondary or a decorative aspect of that idea. As James Madison wrote in Federalist No. 51, the guarantee of religious liberty lies in having many kinds of faiths, and the guarantee of civil liberty lies in having many kinds of people—in establishing a “multiplicity of interests” to go along with a “multiplicity of sects.” The idea doesn’t reflect a “weak” desire for niceness. It is, instead, intended to counter the brutal logic of the playground. When there are many kinds of bullied kids, they can unite against the bully: “Even the stronger individuals are prompted, by the uncertainty of their condition, to submit to a government which may protect the weak as well as themselves.”

I have found at this late stage in my life that when someone acts like an asshole the smart thing is to assume that’s exactly what they are.

Gopnik is right that Trump rejects the fundamental American worldview of a “multiplicity of interests.” He doesn’t see America as having — or needing — ideals, even if we have often failed to live up to them. He doesn’t even know what ideals are.  In his view the world works solely on brute strength and even talking about anything else is weak.

He rejects alliances, he reject pluralism, he rejects everything but the application of force. That’s winning to him. Being on top. Making others grovel. Domination.
All you have to do is watch him to know that.

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Emmigrating from Bizarroworld

Emmigrating from Bizarroworld

by digby

I wrote about the realization among some right wingers that they have created an alternate reality for Salon today:

The latest polling shows that Donald Trump is the most unpopular new president in history. Most new presidents, even when elected only by a plurality like Bill Clinton, or under dubious circumstances like George W. Bush, receive at least a short-lived honeymoon in which a majority of the population decides to put aside the rancor of the election and give the new leader a chance.

Of course, most new presidents go out of their way to try to heal the inevitable hard feelings of a tough campaign and reach out to the people who didn’t vote for them. In principle, the person who wins the election becomes president of the whole country not just those who gave him their votes.

On the night of the election, Trump gave a standard magnanimous speech. Since then he has never returned to that theme. He has obsessed over his voters, even going on a victory tour only to states that he won and fetishizing his supporters in speeches as “the forgotten Americans who will never be forgotten again.” To everyone else he has simply issued edicts effectively saying, “We will come together.” (Left unsaid is the obvious: “or else.”)

On New Year’s Eve he made himself very clear with this juvenile tweet:

On Sunday night during Trump’s Super Bowl interview with Bill O’Reilly, Trump said that California is “out of control” and suggested he might withhold federal funds to the state if it doesn’t do what he wants it to do. He is purposefully antagonizing the most populous state in the nation. (Which, not coincidentally, overwhelmingly supported his opponent.)

This is not the only reason he’s unpopular, of course. Trump’s flurry of executive orders and bizarre behavior toward foreign leaders have horrified tens of millions of Americans. Opposition to his policies is fierce, substantive and widespread.

But Trump is not universally unpopular. Indeed, he has maintained the support of roughly the same number of people who voted for him. News stories about his followers depict people impressed with his unwillingness to reach out to his political opponents because they believe they were treated with massive disrespect for eight years by former president Barack Obama. They appreciate that Trump is doing to Democrats what they believe was done to them.

One can certainly argue whether Obama ever treated them with anything approaching the level of disdain that Trump displays toward people who oppose him. But that’s missing the point. That sense of persecution has been part of the conservative movement for decades. What’s different now is the extent to which Trump’s followers see a completely different presidency than the rest of the world sees. That’s because they are watching, reading or listening to right-wing media — and right-wing media is showing them a presidency that does not exist.

Former conservative talk-radio show host Charlie Sykes wrote a courageous op-ed for The New York Times over the past weekend that took a hard look at how so many people came to believe Trump’s lies and why they are so willing to accept what presidential adviser Kellyanne Conway has called “alternative facts.” Sykes put the blame squarely on the right-wing propaganda machine, which he was a part of for many years.

Trump’s followers have been conditioned to believe that the mainstream media is hostile and biased. Hearing the president attack CNN or The New York Times with the same ferocity they hear from Michael Savage or Mark Levin validates their beliefs beyond anything they could have imagined. Sykes wrote:

For years, as a conservative radio talk show host, I played a role in that conditioning by hammering the mainstream media for its bias and double standards. But the price turned out to be far higher than I imagined. The cumulative effect of the attacks was to delegitimize those outlets and essentially destroy much of the right’s immunity to false information. We thought we were creating a savvier, more skeptical audience. Instead, we opened the door for President Trump, who found an audience that could be easily misled.

Many in the conservative base are no longer capable of knowing truth from fiction. They have been fed BS for so long and with such relentless purpose that they no longer have BS detectors at all.

Sykes pointed out that White House press secretary Sean Spicer took this phenomenon to a new level when he said that Trump’s belief that the unfounded charges of voter fraud was evidence that the voter fraud happened, which is mind-boggling. He also noted that Spicer refused to answer a question about the unemployment rate, which suggests the administration will have no problem making up numbers to back up claims that Trump is massively improving the economy.

Furthermore, administration officials can do this in full confidence that right-wing media outlets will provide cover for their claims. As Sykes said, conservatives “believe they have shifted the paradigm of media coverage, replacing the traditional media with their own.” In other words, Breitbart is now their paper of record. Fox News is their Tiffany network. Rush Limbaugh is their Walter Cronkite.

This has been happening for quite some time. I remember an incident way back in 2004 when Republican operative Mary Matalin called up Rush Limbaugh’s show to complain about The New York Times and gush over Rush’s alternative facts:

[W]hen I listen to you, I get all the information I need, and I — and I — it is — I have a confidence in the president [George W. Bush], in the policies, in the goals. I have — I know his conviction. I know he’s right and I know he has the leadership to do it. What I don’t have, and what I can only get from you, is the cheerfulness of your confidence —

Matalin is a pro who knew what she was doing. But the people who were listening that day, and who listen every day, don’t necessarily have her detachment. They may once have understood that Rush was a hyperbolic entertainer, not a newsman. But as Sykes said, after years of relentless propaganda they have lost their ability to discern truth from fiction, news from fake news, facts from alternative facts. He pointed out that this leads to a situation whereby “the leader becomes the only reliable source of truth; a familiar phenomenon in an authoritarian state, but a radical departure from the norms of a democratic society. The battle over truth is now central to our politics.” It’s going to be a tough fight.

Trump’s bubble

Trump’s bubble


by digby

According to this eye-opening piece about the inner workings of the White House, President Trump isn’t reading his Executive Orders before he signs them. He was unaware that his adviser Steve Bannon had been named to the National Security Council and was angry at the blow-back he has been getting from the media:

Mr. Bannon remains the president’s dominant adviser, despite Mr. Trump’s anger that he was not fully briefed on details of the executive order he signed giving his chief strategist a seat on the National Security Council, a greater source of frustration to the president than the fallout from the travel ban.

The article is a portrait of a strange man who is simply floating from meeting to meeting and phone call to phone call and in between giving tours of the oval office and poring over fabric swatches for the redecorating project he’s excited about now that he’s found out it’s paid for by the taxpayers. At night he’s alone and sometimes wanders the halls in his bathrobe. But mostly, when he’s on his own, he watches TV news obsessively.

There’s no sign in the article that Bannon is really on thin ice with the king, but it certainly could happen. If there is any more mockery about “President Bannon” or skits like we saw on Saturday Night Live last week-end, in which Bannon is portrayed as the real president in the guise of the Grim Reaper while Trump is a little boy at sitting at a child’s desk, he could start to lose favor.  We know Trump watches that show and sees how he is portrayed, really sees it. And we know it bothers him — bigly.

The Trump supporters are happily living in their alternative reality in which the president is “shaking things up and living up to his promises. But Trump isn’t a Trump supporter. As unbalanced as he is, he isn’t a creature of the right wing propaganda machine. We know this by his cloddish rhetoric on abortion and torture among dozens of other things — it was clear that he wasn’t steeped in the obfuscatory rhetoric the right wing had developed to hide its true intentions. He wasn’t just rejecting political correctness. He didn’t know how he was supposed to say it because he still reads the New York Times and watches CNN along with Fox.  Since nobody on the right normally speaks that way he was simply unfamiliar with the fact that his instincts had to be expressed in different terms. He just blurted it out.

But unlike his followers, Trump’s bubble still exists in the real world. He’s ignorant and he’s nuts, but he still wants the real world to love him. So he’s bothered when the mainstream media calls him out on his ignorance and ineptitude.

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Trump’s Superbowl ratings are sad!

Trump’s Superbowl ratings are sad!

by digby

Oopsie. Looks like most of the actual country — as opposed to his brainwashed cult of angry white guys — don’t want to watch Trump :

President Donald Trump sat down on Sunday afternoon with Fox News for the president’s now-customary pre-Super Bowl interview. The segment with “O’Reilly Factor” host Bill O’Reilly, which aired during Fox Broadcasting’s pre-game coverage around 4 p.m., drew a 7.8 household rating in Nielsen’s metered market overnight ratings. 

Viewership figures will be available later Monday. 

Here at last we have a true apples-to-apples comparison for a television event with Trump’s predecessor, Barack Obama — or at least as close to one as we’re going to get.

President Obama’s last three sit-downs before the Super Bowl drew overnight household ratings of 9.2, 10.2, and 11.5. His first pre-Super Bowl interview, with NBC’s Matt Lauer in 2009, brought in an average audience of 21.9 million viewers in Nielsen’s final accounting; the overnight household rating for NBC from 4:30 to 5 p.m was a 9.6. The half-hour of 2011’s Super Bowl pre-game coverage — that included O’Reilly’s highly anticipated interview with Obama — attracted an average audience of 17.3 million.

He hasn’t tweeted out these numbers for some reason.

Of course they’ll say everyone was watching online. But that’s silly since the the whole point of having the interview during the Superbowl is because there’s a huge built-in  TV audience. They just didn’t want to ruin their fun by listening to his gross commentary.

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Politics and Reality Radio: Trump Pays His Debt to the Religious Right; Muslim-Americans Are Running for Office

Politics and Reality Radio: Trump Pays His Debt to the Religious Right; Muslim-Americans Are Running for Office


with Joshua Holland

This week, we’ll begin with a look at how Trump’s hamfisted “Muslim ban” may be much more far-ranging — and far worse — than we thought.

Then we’ll be joined by Nadeem Mazen, the first Muslim-American elected to a city council in Massachusetts. He and his colleagues launched a new project this week to recruit and support other members of his faith to sek public office. We’ll talk about the unique challenges they face in today’s political environment.

Finally, we’ll speak with Investigative Fund reporter Sarah Posner about how Trump is repaying religious conservatives for their support with a slew of new moves to restrict access to abortion, undermine LGBT rights and blur the separation between church and state.

Playlist:
Statler Brothers: “Flowers On The Wall”
Joan Jett and Paul Westrberg: “Let’s Do It”
Rolling Stones: “Play with Fire”

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What will the Republicans say? by @BloggersRUs

What will the Republicans say?
By Tom Sullivan

D.R. Tucker at Washington Monthly‘s Political Animal Blog believes the election for DNC chair on February 25 in Atlanta may have just tipped:

Did former Vice President Joe Biden just do a favor for Rep. Keith Ellison?

Biden’s endorsement of former Labor Secretary Thomas Perez to become the next chair of the Democratic National Committee may have provided an unintentional boost to Ellison’s hopes to defeat Perez. Ellison’s backers have been promulgating the notion that Perez is an “establishment” hack who just can’t wait to betray progressives in favor of political insiders; Biden’s formal support of Perez could well destroy the former Justice Department official’s hopes to succeed Debbie Wasserman Schultz by further energizing Ellison’s already-passionate support base.

Either man could do the job, Tucker believes. What concerns me most is the ability of the next chair to organize, not just fund raise. Whether either has the organizing chops I want to see is an open question. Democrats with any sense will get behind whichever candidate wins and, as Tucker urges, not run off to join a circular firing squad. Both the country and the world are at stake. Fighting Republicans will be hard enough without Democrats fighting each other:

The next chair of the DNC will have an enormous task, far harder than the challenge Howard Dean faced when he became DNC head in 2005. The power of right-wing propaganda is far stronger than it was a dozen years ago. Citizens United wasn’t a factor back then. Mainstream-media false balance is arguably even worse now than it was when the Fourth Estate aided and abetted the invasion of Iraq.

One thing I’m not worried about at all is what Republicans might say about the next chair. For years, skittish, old-school Democrats have clutched their pearls over what attacks Republicans might launch against this or that Democratic candidate, always preferring the “safer” choice. That lack of guts is a big reason they are where they are. A U.S. Senate candidate once told me to my face that the DSCC (Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee) supporting him in the Democratic primary had assured him that his Bronze Star from Iraq would trump anything the Republicans could throw at him. That told me all I needed to know about his naivete and theirs. (He never even cleared the primary.) Tucker perhaps agrees, saying either Ellison or Perez will “be greeted by the usual slurs and sarcasm” from the conservative media machine.

Over the weekend, DNC members met in Detroit at Wayne State University to consider next steps. The Washington Post’s Dave Weigel was there and shot video of front-runners for chair, Ellison and Perez.

Keith Ellison at the Detroit DNC meeting

Perezmentum

I’m not the U.S. Park Service, but it appears that Ellison drew the bigger, more enthusiastic crowd. Not that I have any Trump tweets to back that up.

Sunday Funnies

Sunday Funnies

by digby

Instant classic:

For those not in the know, Spicer supposedly chews vast amounts of gum every day and swallows it. I know …


via GIPHY

Guys, he was just inaugurated 16 days ago …


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