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Month: August 2017

Iconic picture of 8/27/17

Iconic picture of 8/27/17

by digby

Lordy:

Fifteen senior citizens were evacuated from the La Vita Bella nursing home in Dickinson, David Popoff, the city’s emergency management coordinator confirmed on Sunday afternoon.

A picture of the residents sitting in waist-deep water went viral on Twitter on Sunday.

Poppoff said the residents were rescued by helicopter.

“We were air-lifting grandmothers and grandfathers,” Popoff said.

The picture was shared on Twitter by Timothy McIntosh, whose said his mother-in-law owns the assisted-living home.

His wife, Kimberly McIntosh, said her mother sent the picture at 9 a.m. this morning.

“She said it was a disaster and they were hoping the national guard would come,” Kimberly McInstosh said.

Popoff said rescues in Dickinson were still underway, and could not immediately say how many had been performed.

They got out. Let’s hope everyone in their situation did.

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“I’m going to light him up”

“I’m going to light him up”

by digby

As we watch the flood waters rise in Texas, the Trumpists are planning their attack:

Republicans on Capitol Hill lament President Trump’s aggressive behavior toward them, but some people in the president’s orbit are urging him to up the ante even further.

They say that, far from making nice, Trump needs to instill fear so that lawmakers do not feel at liberty to thwart him.

“Most members of Congress are arrogant, and until a scalp is actually taken they are going to continue to be defiant,” longtime Trump friend Roger Stone told The Hill. “All he needs to do is punish one incumbent and I think you’d see a sea-change.”

Advice like Stone’s feeds the president’s instincts to hit back hard against those whom he believes have wronged him: a list that at present appears to include Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) as well as GOP Sens. John McCain (Ariz.), Jeff Flake (Ariz.) and Bob Corker (Tenn.).

Trump’s biggest defeat to date, on his attempt to gut the Affordable Care Act, came at the hands of McCain and Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska.), who joined Democrats to sink a Senate bill.

Other Trump loyalists join Stone in arguing that the president should neither forgive nor forget.

“He is 100 percent correct to go after McCain, Flake, Murkowksi,” said Sam Nunberg, who worked as an aide to Trump’s 2016 campaign.

Nunberg also expressed the hope that Trump would be able to engineer the defeat of Collins in a GOP primary if she sought to become Maine’s governor.

But Nunberg drew a distinction between those senators who have been critical of Trump and the GOP leadership on Capitol Hill.

“I do think it is counterproductive for him to have a strained relationship with Leader McConnell,” Nunberg said, citing both the danger to Trump’s legislative agenda and the widespread support McConnell enjoys among his colleagues.

Steve Bannon, recently ousted as Trump’s chief strategist, does not appear to be in a compromising mood, however. He promised to keep up his own attacks on McConnell in an interview published by The Economist on Friday.

“I’m going to light him up,” Bannon said.

Trump himself seems in no particular mood to declare a truce.

“The only problem I have with Mitch McConnell is that, after hearing Repeal & Replace for 7 years, he failed! That should NEVER have happened!” the president wrote on Twitter on Thursday.

A New York Times story the previous day had reported that Trump and McConnell had not spoken to each other “in weeks” and that McConnell had “privately expressed uncertainty that Mr. Trump will be able to salvage his administration after a series of summer crises.”

On Friday, Trump complained about the Senate’s filibuster rule, which has been a longtime vexation to him even as McConnell has indicated he has no interest in getting rid of it. And the president took aim at Corker, who had publicly called his “stability” and “competence” into question.

“Strange statement by Bob Corker considering that he is constantly asking me whether or not he should run again in ‘18. Tennessee not happy!” Trump tweeted on Friday morning.

The strategic wisdom of those moves is lampooned by moderate Republicans. They note that Trump has achieved nothing of real legislative consequence so far in his presidency, and suggest that his fractious personality costs him goodwill on Capitol Hill.

“He doesn’t make it any easier to support him,” said Whit Ayres, a GOP consultant and pollster who worked for the 2016 GOP primary campaign of Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.).

Trump’s willingness to hit back against those who don’t follow his wishes may be an integral part of his personality, however. Longtime Trump-watchers say the same impulse was evident in his years as a real estate developer, reality TV star and fixture of the New York tabloids.

“He drives everything from the point of trying to always appear to be the winner — and not brooking dissent from anyone,” said Timothy O’Brien, the author of a biography of Trump and the executive editor of Bloomberg View. “He personally is always prioritizing conflict and bravado so he stays center-stage and is perceived as the winner.”

O’Brien asserted that any advisors fueling that tendency and encouraging him to “slap” at McConnell on a regular basis were politically “daft.”

There are even some internal party critics of Trump’s, however, who don’t dismiss his words out of hand.

Appearing on Hugh Hewitt’s syndicated radio show on Thursday, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said of Trump, “He’s running against Mitch McConnell and Lindsey Graham and others. The Congress is very unpopular, particularly with the Republican base, so there’s nothing unhinged about it. It’s a political strategy that I’m not so sure is smart, but it’s a very thought-out strategy. There’s nothing crazy about it.”

Public Policy Polling, a Democratic-leaning firm, last month found only 30 percent of Republicans approving of McConnell’s job performance, while 46 percent disapproved. For Trump, 81 percent of Republicans approved and only 16 percent disapproved.

In five major polls this month — from Gallup, CNN, CBS News, Monmouth University and Quinnipiac University — overall public approval of Congress never exceeded 20 percent. Even Trump, whose poll ratings are historically low, scores roughly twice as well as that in most surveys.

The Harvard-Harris poll published by The Hill this week found McConnell to be the most unpopular politician in the country with a national profile.

Stone argued that Trump is “far more popular and more influential with Republican primary voters than any members of Congress and any member of the United States Senate, and he has enormous leverage to go into party primaries.”

The strategist lamented Trump’s decision to endorse incumbent Sen. Luther Strange (R-Ala.) in the special election in that state. Strange is also strongly backed by McConnell.

But late Friday afternoon, The Washington Post reported that while Trump was not pulling back on his endorsement of Strange, he might back off in his support.

Earlier on Friday, White House press secretary Sarah Sanders was asked about Trump’s criticism of GOP senators at the daily media briefing.

“I think it’s clear that the endgame is for Congress to do its job and actually pass legislation. I think the American people are very frustrated with Congress’s lack of action,” she said. “For years, they’ve been all talk and no action.”

If those sentiments might be met with consternation on Capitol Hill, they are firmly endorsed by some among the conservative grassroots.

“Really, the Republican leadership in the House and the Senate needs to get behind President Trump and his agenda,” said Jenny Beth Martin, the president and co-founder of the Tea Party Patriots. “I think it is fair for him to shed light on what is really happening on Capitol Hill.

“The voters voted for Donald Trump to be a sledgehammer and a wrecking ball to Washington, D.C.,” she added.

Well, it’s working.

And it’s still raining

And it’s still raining


by digby

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Epic storm

Epic storm

by digby

If you’re following the storm and the flooding, the National Weather Service on twitter issued the following tweet.

They are not prone to hysteria.

The president is almost as excited as when he got to sit behind the wheel of a great big truck. He’s making hurricanes great again.

Here are his tweets from this morning:

President piker by @BloggersRUs

President piker
by Tom Sullivan


Emperor Caligula, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek via Creative Commons.

The fallout from the president’s pardon of Joe Arpaio is as thick as it is toxic. Almost as heavy as the rains from Hurricane Harvey. Whether either will do sufficient damage to our “child king” (as one Republican member of Congress described the president) to limit further damage to the fabric of the nation is still to be determined.

To issue a pardon for Arpaio would be “an assault on the federal judiciary, the Constitution and the rule of law itself,” Noah Feldman, a constitutional and international law professor at Harvard University, wrote for Bloomberg before the pardon announcement:

It’s one thing to pardon a criminal out of a sense of mercy or on the belief that he has paid his debt to society.

It’s trickier when the president pardons someone who violated the law in pursuit of governmental policy, the way George H.W. Bush pardoned Iran-Contra participants, including Caspar Weinberger and five others.

But it would be an altogether different matter if Trump pardoned Arpaio for willfully refusing to follow the Constitution and violating the rights of people inside the U.S.

Impeachment is the only constitutional remedy for dealing with a president, writes Feldman, “who abuses the pardon power to break the system itself.”

The Washington Post collected a few more reactions:

New York magazine called it, “Donald Trump’s gravest abuse of power yet.” An op-ed contributor for the New York Times said that Trump’s decision put him in “uncharted waters,” writing ” if the president can employ the pardon power to circumvent constitutional protections of liberty, there is very little left of the constitutional checks on presidential power.” Bob Bauer, a former White House counsel in the Obama administration, suggested on Lawfare that the decision showed a clear disregard for the rule of law.

Frank Bowman, a professor at the University of Missouri School of Law, gives several reasons why the Arpaio pardon is the president’s first verifiable impeachable offense:

  • It is an impeachable offense precisely because it involves the exercise of a constitutionally created presidential power.
  • The use of the pardon power in this case is a direct assault on core constitutional rights, statutory civil rights laws of the United States, and the authority of courts to enforce those laws.
  • It therefore threatens constitutional civil liberties generally, as well as the viability of congressionally authorized statutory law, and it is a direct attack on the constitutional powers of the judiciary as a coordinate branch of government.
  • Accordingly, this pardon threatens to undercut one of the indispensable, foundational norms of American constitutional order: the rule of law.

Recall: Republicans impeached Bill Clinton for lawyerly dissembling/lying under oath about a sexual affair. (I can still hear Rep. Sue Myrick (R-N.C.) saying, “the children are watching” during the Clinton impeachment.)

The question of course, is whether Republicans who got so exercised about the example set by a Democratic president can muster similar outrage when he is one of their own. That shouldn’t be so hard, argues Peter Wehner, senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center:

Much of this mess is of the Republican Party’s own making. Let’s not forget that Mr. Trump’s political rise began with his promulgation of the racist conspiracy theory that President Obama was not a natural-born American citizen. The Trump presidency is the result of years of destructive mental habits and moral decay.

But before we examine Wehner’s analysis further, consider that the president is a piker compared to the founder of the Republican Feast of Resentment. That honor goes to Richard Nixon, writes Jeff Shesol at The New Yorker:

During the 1968 campaign, Kevin Phillips, then a young Nixon aide, said to Garry Wills that “the whole secret of politics” was “knowing who hates who.”

Our sitting president knows that. Nixon knew it first. The sitting president birthed “birtherism.” Nixon birthed Nixonism:

There is a temptation to locate Nixon’s politics deep in his psyche—that wellspring of loathing, humiliation, and lonely desperation, in the diagnosis of biographers, former White House aides, and co-conspirators, and the rest of what the historian David Greenberg calls “Nixon’s army of analysts.” “Can you imagine what this man would have been had somebody loved him?” Henry Kissinger famously asked. “I don’t think anybody ever did—not his parents, not his peers.” (Nor his national-security advisers.) It is clear that, for Nixon, resentment was not just a cynical strategy but an authentic expression of the self. (Our fifty minutes are up, Mr. President, but I’ll see you next week.)

Yet this resort to psychology, or psychopathology, places too much emphasis on Nixon and not enough on Nixonism, which has endured well beyond Watergate, and long past the point when our national nightmare, to paraphrase Gerald Ford, was supposed to have ended. The resentments, racial and cultural and economic, are still real, if not nearly as raw as in 1968, and invoking them has become a kind of reflex on the right, to the point of self-parody. Agnew’s “effete corps of impudent snobs” begets George Bush’s “Harvard boutique liberals” begets Rick Santorum’s attack on President Obama as a “snob” for urging all kids to go to college. “I don’t come from the élite,” Santorum said in 2012. “Élites come up with phony ideologies and phony ideas to rob you of your freedom.” More recently, Ted Cruz attacked President Obama for “doing a lot of pop culture” and acting with “condescension” toward young Americans. It is Nixon pastiche.

The sitting president, bearing the scars of his own loveless childhood, is simply better prepared to do Nixon than his modern imitators. And just as prepared as both Nixon and Arpaio to become a law unto himself. The question at hand is whether Republicans are prepared to stop him as Nixon was stopped. Do they have the fortitude left to oppose the “moral ugliness” that Nixon sowed, they themselves watered, and the current president harvested. Wehner continues:

They need to accept, finally, the reality — evident from the moment he declared his candidacy — that Mr. Trump is unfit to govern. He will prove unable to salvage his presidency. As the failures pile up, he’ll act in an even more erratic fashion.

The mental hurdle Republicans have to clear is that in important respects the interests of the Republican Party and those of Donald Trump no longer align. The party has to highlight ways in which it can separate itself from the president.

It is not clear they have the right stuff. Yet all is not lost. America is more resilient than we realize.

Nicholas Kristof likens the president to the Rome’s Caligula, a man with “no significant government experience” who proved himself “utterly incompetent at actually getting things done.” Besides that, “a narcissist and megalomaniac,” and a coward with “a thing for generals.”

But Rome survived Caligula and so might we our own, Kristof suggests:

To me, the lesson is that Rome was able to inoculate itself against unstable rulers so that it could recover and rise to new glories. Even the greatest of nations may suffer a catastrophic leader, but the nation can survive the test and protect its resilience — if the public stays true to its values, institutions and traditions. That was true two millennia ago, and remains true today.

Never more than this morning, I hope he is right.

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Request a copy of For The Win, my county-level election mechanics primer, at tom.bluecentury at gmail.

Life during wartime: In This Corner of the World By Dennis Hartley @denofcinema5

Saturday Night at the Movies



Life during wartime: In This Corner of the World ***½

By Dennis Hartley 


Is everybody safe?
Has everybody got a place to hide?
Is everybody warm inside?

Hear them singing
All the women of Bombay
Standing with the Nagasaki housewives in doorways
In eruptions and destructions on Doomsday

– from “The Yard Went on Forever” (lyrics by Jimmy Webb)

This past August 11, just several days after two sobering anniversaries-the nuclear destruction of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki on August 6 and 9, 1945, respectively, a contemplative anime drama called In This Corner of the World made its U.S. debut; easy to overlook amid the Emoji, Spider-Man and Atomic Blonde mayhem.

Co-written and directed by Sunao Katabuchi, the film (adapted from writer-illustrator Fumiyo Kono’s eponymous manga) is a snapshot of everyday Japanese life from the 1930s through the 1940s, through the eyes of a young woman named Suzu (voiced by Rena Nonen). Katabuchi uses flashback and flash-forward to tell Suzu’s story. A dreamer with a flair for art, Suzu was raised in the seaside village of Eba (a sector of Hiroshima City). We first meet her at age 18 (a year before the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima).

Suzu learns from her parents that a young man named Shusaku (voiced by Yoshimasa Hosoya) is on his way from Kure (a nearby port city with a large naval base) to ask for her hand in marriage. The respectful and low-key Shusaku, who has a civilian job with the navy, once had a chance encounter with Suzu when they were both children (although she doesn’t remember). Obviously, she made more of an impression on him than the other way around; still, Suzu is intrigued and longs for a change of scenery. She accepts his proposal and accompanies her husband to Kure, where she moves in with his family.

Over the next year of her life, the harsh realities of the war begin to creep ever closer to home for Suzu and her family; especially once Allied bombers begin to target the nearby naval base. Suzu is still living in Kure when nearby Hiroshima befalls its inevitable fate on August 6, 1945. Separated by a mountain, Kure is out of the blast zone, but residents are witness to the blinding flash, the horrifying mushroom cloud, and fleeing victims.

What separates this film from previous anime dramas that beg comparison (e.g. Barefoot Gen and Grave of the Fireflies) is painstaking attention to historical detail regarding not only daily lives of Japanese civilians before, during and after the war (the aforementioned films focused almost solely on the immediate horrors of destruction and suffering), but in recreating the look and feel of the principal locations where the story takes place (the production staff did exhaustive research on pre-war Hiroshima’s architecture and layout, using archival photos and eyewitness recollections from surviving pre-war residents).

The animation is outstanding; there are several set pieces that are truly inspired, particularly a sequence that finds Suzu caught out in the open on the verdant hills overlooking the ocean during a U.S. aircraft strafing attack. Frozen in a strange state between fear and wonder, Suzu becomes oddly entranced by the exploding puffballs of flak in the clear blue sky around her. As the perspective subtly switches to Suzu’s POV, you realize that you are suddenly watching the frightful mayhem though an artist’s eye; the sky becomes a vast canvas, and the flak akin to Jackson Pollack shooting paintballs.

The only bone I have to pick is a bit of narrative confusion here and there, caused not so much by the vacillation between flashback and flash-forward sequences, but the occasional flights of fancy (or perchance, dreaming?) that Suzu has (a little pilfering from The Wizard of Oz, if you catch my drift). But then again, that could be a personal problem; choosing to watch a subtitled version can distract you from crucial visual cues (at the theater where I saw the film, they offered both subtitled and dubbed showings).

Those minor quibbles aside, this is an involving humanistic study (reminiscent of the quietly observant dramas of the great Japanese director Yasujiro Ozu), with just the right balance of drama and humor. Like Hayao Miyazaki’s 2014 anime The Wind Rises, Katabuchi’s film may delicately side-step any avenues that potentially lead to addressing thornier issues like collective guilt or complicity by fealty to the emperor; but considering that most of the characters are non-combatants, In This Corner of the World is closer in spirit to those great films that remind us that as long as we wage wars, there will always be innocents who get caught in the crossfire. And it is the duty of survivors, as well as subsequent generations, to dedicate themselves to build a world where the need to wreak such horrors upon one another becomes, once and for all, unequivocally abhorrent to all.

Previous posts with related themes:

Child’s guide to war: a film troika
WW2, the B-sides: The Wind Rises & Generation War
Happy End of the World: Top 15 Nuke Films

More reviews at Den of Cinema
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–Dennis Hartley

Symbolic pardons for every faction of the base?

Symbolic pardons for every faction of the base?

by digby

This is interesting:

I would be surprised if Trump does this. These people are part of his base but they have a distinct ideology that clashes with Trump’s instinctive authoritarianism. He’s more Nazi than Sovereign Citizen.

Still, Stone is pushing it in order to set up some violent confrontation. Trump might be seduced into thinking it’s a good idea.  And Cliven Bundy is a stone cold racist who loves his guns so that’s one thing that ties them all together as one big happy family.

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Uncle Joe’s legacy

Uncle Joe’s legacy

by digby

Click the links for the full story. It’s sickening.

Trump’s allies are so very helpful

Trump’s allies are so very helpful

by digby


Pro-Publica published some research on the response to Charlottesville:

A sample of 600 Twitter accounts linked to Russian influence operations have been promoting hashtags for Charlottesville such as “antifa,” a term for activists on the far left; and “alt-left,” a term Trump used, which was interpreted by many as suggesting an equivalence between liberal demonstrators and white nationalists in the so-called alt-right.

The sample includes accounts that are openly pro-Russian like state-controlled outlets RT and Sputnik, which a joint U.S. intelligence assessment concluded are “part of Russia’s state-run propaganda machine.” The sample also includes those, like “Angee Dixson’s,” that seem to be written by typical Americans. And it follows automated bots that help make messages go viral and even users around the world who spread the Kremlin’s messages whether or not they mean to support Russia. The network is tracked by four researchers working with the Alliance for Securing Democracy, a project of the German Marshall Fund that seeks to expose efforts to undermine Western democracy.

(A spokesperson for Sputnik took issue with the assertions about it in this article, providing 22 links to the news service’s articles that she called “highly critical of the president’s response to Charlottesville.” She argued that to “ignore that reality … would only mean that you are fixing the facts to push a false narrative.” The spokesperson also disputed that Sputnik is a vehicle for any purported Russian disinformation campaign.)

“The Russian influence networks we track are definitely amplifying the broader alt-right chatter about Charlottesville,” one of the researchers, J.M. Berger, said. “The major themes they have been pushing are the ‘both sides are violent’ argument and conspiracy theories that George Soros was behind the counter-protests, although the latter has been trending more sporadically.”

The important thing to note about all this is that these accounts are not creating these memes and narratives. They are amplifying them on behalf of American political players. The help them push it out to their eager followers who apparently can’t get enough.

Nice of them to be so helpful to their man.

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