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Month: August 2018

Opponents of democracy by @BloggersRUs

Opponents of democracy
by Tom Sullivan

GOP leaders are asleep at the switch or worse, Joe Scarborough accuses, as forensic evidence piles up that Vladimir Putin, the ex-KGB spy, and his employees in Russian military intelligence agency continue “coordinating attacks” on U.S. democracy. In this morning’s Washington Post, Scarborough writes:

Imagine that U.S. military leaders spent most of 1941 warning President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his Democratic Party of a coming Pearl Harbor attack. Then imagine history’s harsh judgment against FDR’s party had it ignored those concerns, voted against efforts to fortify the Pacific fleet and plotted the firing of generals who were working to expose the looming Japanese threat. Historians would have rightly savaged these politicians as traitors to their country.

Since 2017, Republicans have put party ahead of country to protect a “buffoon,” Scarborough scolds. Gary Trudeau more graphically suggests a spineless GOP is well on its way towards putting its collective head where the sun never shines.

But the truth of it is the GOP has simply made a foreign adversary an ally in its own attacks on democracy. The headlines may hail from Washington, D.C., but the fighting is out in the provinces. The Post’s Editorial Board rolls out the map to highlight the battle in North Carolina “where African Americans’ voting rights have been under siege.”

At issue this morning is the state’s laws regarding felons voting. By law here, felons regain voting rights automatically once their sentences are complete, including parole and probation. But the rules are not well publicized and in a state where African Americans make up a “hugely disproportionate share of convicted felons,” some find themselves tripped up by the ambiguity. Auditors found 441 ballots improperly cast by felons in 2016. Most state prosecutors refrained from bringing charges, finding no intent to commit a crime:

Not so in Alamance County, a small locality in the Piedmont where a dozen individuals convicted of felonies, nine of them African Americans, cast votes. There, the Republican district attorney, Pat Nadolski, has gone forward with prosecutions that reflect his own lack of judgment while reminding the nation of North Carolina’s recent poisonous racial history.

But the truth of it is targeting African American felons is but one skirmish in GOP attacks on democracy in the states. If there is an election-rigging ploy North Carolina Republican legislators have not tried, they haven’t thought of it yet. In 2016, the Post reminds readers, a federal court struck down the omnibus voting law that targeted blacks “with almost surgical precision.” Overnight, the GOP-led legislature expanded its proposed 2013 voting bill from a handful of pages to over 50 following the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder decision that removed the state from federal preclearance oversight.

A version of the strict voter ID law the Supreme Court declined to reinstate in 2017 will appear on the ballot this fall as a proposed constitutional amendment among a set of 6. Drawing from the plot of Jack Reacher, in which a sniper kills 5 people at random to hide fact that one is not random, Republicans have submitted 6 amendments to conceal that the real goal is passage of voter ID. The others are honey for the conservative base or more moves to consolidate power.

The party is also manipulating ballot order for the state Supreme Court race this fall and modifying party identification rules it already modified to favor its judicial candidates. “If at first you cheat to rig an election and succeed; try, try again,” declares an editorial from WRAL.

North Carolina joins Michigan, Wisconsin, and other GOP-controlled states in the contest for which legislature can whipsaw its voters more.

Two former Democratic state House members were present at a fundraiser here on Saturday. Both women lost their seats after being “double-bunked” by GOP redistricting in 2011. In one case at least, just moving the line over a few streets was enough. Regular readers may recall that I voted in the 2016 primary in NC-10, only to be back in NC-11 by November. Thanks to that surgical gerrymandering, the line has flipped back and forth over my house since 2011.

Attacks on democracy continue not just from without, but from within.

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For The Win 2018 is ready for download. Request a copy of my county-level election mechanics primer at tom.bluecentury at gmail.

Only 18 months in

Only 18 months in

by digby


It took Nixon 6 years to be this loathed and despised:

Trump is as strongly disliked as President Richard Nixon was when he resigned the presidency 44 years ago this week. Back then, 45% of people said Nixon was doing a poor job as president in a Harris poll.

Among Democrats, the intensity of the dislike toward Trump is even deeper today than it was against Nixon back in 1974. Back in 1974, 70% of those who said they voted for Democrat George McGovern in 1972 (37% of the sample) gave Nixon a poor rating. That’s 10 percentage points below the 80% of Democrats (35% of the Marist sample) who give Trump a poor rating today.

What’s so interesting is that even though a majority of people didn’t strongly dislike Nixon, it’s not like they wanted to stay him in office. The Harris poll back in 1974 found that 56% of Americans wanted him impeached and removed from office compared with only 34% who didn’t want that to happen. Among McGovern voters, it was 83%. Clearly, Americans didn’t like Nixon, but it didn’t boil over into strong dislike in the same way it does with Trump.

The intensity factor goes both ways with Trump, though. While as many Americans strongly dislike Trump today as they did Nixon back in 1974, a lot more love Trump today than loved Nixon in 1974. Just 7% of Americans said that Nixon was doing an excellent job in the last Harris poll taken before he left office. That’s far lower than the 20% who give Trump an excellent rating now.

The love for Trump now among Republicans is also considerably greater than it was for Nixon in 1974. Among those who were going to vote for a Republican for Congress in 1974 and had voted in 1972 (26% of the sample), only 20% gave Nixon an excellent rating. That’s far less than the 49% of Republicans (27% of the sample) who give Trump an excellent rating today.

The love and dislike Trump elicits has proven to be a positive and a negative for him. It’s been a positive because so few Republican lawmakers have been willing to abandon him given they feel he is beloved by the base. Additionally, it has helped Trump from falling too far below an overall approval rating of 40%.

The number of Americans who hold strong negative feelings towards Trump is, however, significantly greater than the number who hold strong positive feelings.

In fact, it’s record breaking how many give Trump a poor rating this early in his presidency.

He’s never given a moment’s thought to trying to appeal to anyone who doesn’t already worship him. Having the instincts of a tyrant, he believes his cult is legion and that he can dominate by sheer force. And with the help of his henchmen in the right wing media and th congress along with the support of his foreign allies, he just might pull it off.

The one thing that might change all this is the Democrats winning huge in November. The wingnuts love to be victims but they respect a winner. If his “dominance” proves to be a bunch of hot air, some of his followers and elected officials may realize that his con is played out and move along.

Read this twitter thread for more insights on Nixon’s fall. I don’t think people realize just how precipitous it was:

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Fudging the numbers

Fudging the numbers

by digby

I guess it doesn’t matter anymore that the president is delusional and dishonest but it’s probably a good idea to keep up with reality as much as we can:

President Donald Trump is pulling numbers out of thin air when it comes to the economy, jobs and the deficit.

He refers to a current record-breaking gross domestic product for the U.S. where none exists and predicts a blockbuster 5 percent annual growth rate in the current quarter that hardly any economist sees. Hailing his trade policies in spite of fears of damage from the escalating trade disputes he’s provoked, Trump also falsely declares that his tariffs on foreign goods will help erase $21 trillion in national debt. The numbers don’t even come close.

The statements capped a week of grandiose and erroneous claims by Trump and his critics, including questionable rhetoric from Sen. Bernie Sanders that his “Medicare for all” plan would reduce U.S. health spending by $2 trillion.

A sampling of the statements, and the reality behind them:

ECONOMY AND JOBS

TRUMP: “Economic growth, last quarter, hit the 4.1. We anticipate this next quarter to be — this is just an estimate, but already they’re saying it could be in the fives.” — remarks Tuesday before a group of business executives.

TRUMP: “As you know, we’re doing record and close-to-record GDP.” — remarks Tuesday.

THE FACTS: No. These are the latest in a string of exaggerated claims that Trump has made about the U.S. economy.

While economists are generally optimistic about growth, very few anticipate the economy will expand at a 5 percent annual rate in the July-September quarter the president referred to. Macroeconomic Advisers, a consulting firm in St. Louis, forecasts 3.2 percent growth in the third quarter. JPMorgan Chase economists have penciled in 3.5 percent. The Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta pegs it at 4.3 percent.

Whatever the final number turns out to be, none of these figures represents record or close-to-record growth for gross domestic product, the broadest measure of the nation’s output. The 4.1 percent growth in the second quarter was simply the most since 2014.

TRUMP: “We’ve created 3.9 million more jobs since Election Day — so almost 4 million jobs — which is unthinkable.” — remarks Thursday at prison reform event in Bedminster, N.J.

THE FACTS: It’s not that unthinkable, since more jobs were created in the same period before the November 2016 election than afterward.

It’s true that in the 20 months since Trump’s election, the economy has generated 3.9 million jobs. In the 20 months before his election, however, employers added 4.3 million jobs.

TRUMP: “Great financial numbers being announced on an almost daily basis. Economy has never been better, jobs at best point in history.” — tweet Monday.

THE FACTS: He’s exaggerating. The economy is healthy now, but it has been in better shape at many times in the past.

Growth reached 4.1 percent at an annual rate in the second quarter, which Trump highlighted late last month with remarks at the White House. But it’s only the best in the past four years. So far, the economy is expanding at a modest rate compared with previous economic expansions. In the late 1990s, growth topped 4 percent for four straight years, from 1997 through 2000. And in the 1980s expansion, growth even reached 7.2 percent in 1984.

It’s not clear what Trump specifically means when he declares that jobs are at the “best point in history,” but based on several indicators, he’s off the mark.

The unemployment rate of 3.9 percent is not at the best point ever — it is actually near the lowest in 18 years. The all-time low came in 1953, when unemployment fell to 2.5 percent during the Korean War. And while economists have been surprised to see employers add 215,000 jobs a month this year, a healthy increase, employers in fact added jobs at a faster pace in 2014 and 2015. A greater percentage of Americans held jobs in 2000 than now.

Trump didn’t mention probably the most important measure of economic health for Americans — wages. While paychecks are slowly grinding higher, inflation is now canceling out the gains. Lifted by higher gasoline prices, consumer prices increased 2.9 percent in June from a year earlier, the most in six years.

TARIFFS AND THE DEFICIT

TRUMP: “Because of Tariffs we will be able to start paying down large amounts of the $21 Trillion in debt that has been accumulated, much by the Obama Administration, while at the same time reducing taxes for our people.” — tweet Sunday.

THE FACTS: This isn’t going to happen.

The Treasury Department estimates that all tariffs currently in place will raise about $40 billion in revenue in the 2018 budget year, which ends Sept. 30. Even with the recent tariff increases Trump has implemented or threatened to put in place, it clearly wouldn’t be enough to reduce the $21 trillion national debt. It’s just 5 percent of what the president would need to eliminate the annual budget deficit of $804 billion that the Congressional Budget Office predicts for this year. The national debt represents the accumulation of all the annual deficits.

The president seems to believe that foreigners pay tariffs, but they are import taxes paid for by American businesses and consumers. They may make it harder for other countries to sell things in the United States, but they are just another form of tax and do not result in lower taxes for the American people overall.

FOOD STAMPS

TRUMP: “Almost 3.9 million Americans have been lifted off food stamps — that’s since the election. … That’s some number. That’s a big number.” — Ohio rally on Aug. 4.

TRUMP: “More than 3.5 million Americans have been lifted off food stamps — something that you haven’t seen in decades.” — remarks at White House on July 27.

WHITE HOUSE: “More than 2.8 million have stopped participating in the Supplemental Nutritional Assistance Program (SNAP) – commonly known as food stamps – since Trump’s first full month in office.” — information sheet released Tuesday, citing Fox Business report.

THE FACTS: Trump and the White House omit important context and overstate his role in reducing the number of people on food stamps. Nor is it accurate that recent declines are the biggest in decades. It’s true, as the White House conveys, that more than 2.8 million people stopped participating in the program during the 15-month period from February 2017, Trump’s first full month in office, to May 2018, the latest Agriculture Department data available. But this decline is consistent with a longer-term downward trend in food stamp usage due to an improving economy. Currently there are 39.3 million people in the program; food stamp usage peaked in 2013 at around 47.6 million, following the recession.

For instance, in the 15-month period before Trump’s first full month in office, food stamps declined by 3.3 million — larger than the 2.8 million that dropped off under Trump’s watch.

I think we need to start asking where he’s getting these numbers. It’s hard to imagine they really are just being made up out of thin air since they do have some relationship to real numbers, they’re mostly just cherry picked. I don’t think he’s competent enough to make this stuff up himself.

So who is feeding him the false info?

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Mistress of the obvious

Mistress of the obvious

by digby

Omarosa is a Trump creation.She’s playing the game he taught her and making a killing doing it. As ye sow so shall ye reap.

But she isn’t lying about everything. This doesn’t require an “insider account.” It’s obvious to anyone who watches him:

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“He loves the game”

“He loves the game”

by digby


Except it isn’t actually a game:

President Donald Trump has spent his week at his Bedminster retreat fine-tuning an aggressive fall agenda that could benefit his reelection chances in 2020 but imperil Republican congressional candidates in the midterms.

While keeping a light golf schedule, the president is using his “working vacation” — which has included rallies, fundraisers and dinners with donors and business executives — to test lines about potentially shutting down the government to get a border wall and turning up the trade war with China.

Trump’s frenetic campaign schedule picks up immediately next week, when he’s set to travel to upstate New York to raise money for a vulnerable congresswoman. But interviews with a dozen administration officials, outside advisers and Bedminster visitors offered a portrait of a president continuing to grapple with balancing his responsibility to help Republicans hold onto a tenuous majority with his instinct to rile up the base with populist rhetoric and his longstanding “America First” promises.

“I think he feels the country’s future and the future of the world depends on him being able to do what needs to be done,” said GOP donor and New York grocery billionaire John Catsimatidis, a guest at Trump’s business dinner on Tuesday.

Trump’s respite has provided him hours of downtime, with aides sprinkling his comparatively sparse schedule with meetings and phone calls as he prepares to stump all fall for Republican candidates. He’s spent long stretches in high spirits, according to several accounts, gloating about the economy and gross domestic product, and riding high following recent ballot-box victories.

But Trump has found time to rage about the Russia investigation led by Robert Mueller and what he views as the unfair treatment of his former campaign chairman Paul Manafort, who is on trial in Virginia on charges of tax and bank fraud.

Trump’s mood has darkened during periods when the Russia story has dominated, according to close confidants. “Every day you wake up and it’s Manafort this, Manafort that. It’s crazy,” said one close adviser. “How do you get away from it?”

Trump “can’t miss” the media coverage of the trial, his attorney Rudy Giuliani added in an interview with POLITICO. “The only thing he keeps reiterating is he thinks Manafort has been treated in an unfair way for a guy who’s alleged to have committed a white-collar crime,” he said.

South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham, who golfed with Trump last weekend and had dinner with Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, told an event hosted by the Greenville County Republican Party and radio station WGTK that the president brought up ending the Mueller probe “about 20 times.” Graham added: “I told the president, ‘I know you don’t like it. I know you feel put upon. You just got to ride it out.’”

But rather than focusing on upending the leadership of the Justice Department, as he did during his Christmas vacation at Mar-a-Lago in Florida, Trump has been mulling ways to deliver on his iconic wall. The maneuvering, even if it leads to a partial shutdown, would reinforce to supporters that he’s fighting for border security. Among those encouraging him to follow his intuition is Stephen Miller, the senior policy adviser and immigration hard-liner who is orchestrating additional crackdowns ahead of the midterms. Miller declined to comment.

China angered Trump by retaliating on American tariffs with new duties of their own. He has been polling close associates about trade with China, while reinforcing his position that the rival superpower’s unfair trade practices must be curbed. The president indicated in conversations that he was not so much discussing the matter but seeking reassurance from those around him, particularly since he’s taken so much heat from Republicans in Washington over the escalating tensions.

At his dinner Tuesday for business executives, Trump allowed that “we’re in a little bit of a fight with China right now,” after raging on Twitter that the country has been spending a fortune on advertising and public relations “trying to convince and scare our politicians to fight me on Tariffs — because they are really hurting their economy.” Some inside believe he can “fix” trade deficits the same way he “fixed” taxes. And Trump is presenting the impasse as temporary, giving these people the feeling that he thinks it will soon pass.

White House aides and confidants have swept in and out of town. Trump has been speaking with his Cabinet, including Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, and his trade team by phone. He’s also called Republican National Committee Chair Ronna Romney McDaniel several times and talked to congressional leaders, with the conversations primarily focused on national security, trade and the midterms.

At Bedminster, Trump maintains a home on the campus complete with an office, and senior White House staff members meet once a day, usually inside the residence. As is common practice when the president travels, a larger office space inside the club is designed to replicate their secure workspaces in Washington. Essential and senior staff members stay at the club, with the others staying at a nearby Marriott hotel.

An aide noted that fewer people were able to take a vacation last August because chief of staff John Kelly had just started in the role and there was a considerable effort to get him up to speed and reorganize the West Wing. Another aide noted the White House also spent much of August dealing with the fallout from the president’s response to the deadly clashes in Charlottesville, Virginia.

Trump has come to view Bedminster as relaxing because he can walk outside and see acres of rolling green hills. While the crowd is different from the high-society set at Mar-a-Lago, the scene feels familiar to Trump because so many of the members have been coming back for years. Guests talk about the venue’s low-key atmosphere, which was described as a couple of paces slower than Mar-a-Lago.

Officials said the president is spending time with the first lady and their son, Barron. Kushner and Ivanka Trump, also a senior adviser, also have been there, along with their children. In keeping with the working vacation motif, Trump did not golf on Monday, Tuesday or Wednesday, but on Thursday he hit the driving range with one of his grandkids, with photos of him practicing his swing and gesticulating from a cart popping up on social media.

Aides anticipate that the campaign trail will give the president a sustained chance to recharge among supporters and make inroads for down-ballot candidates in the party, whom he is telling people will be insulated by the strong economy.

“He loves the fight. He knows the people. He loves the game,” another outside aide said. “It gets him out of the office and doing meetings that he doesn’t want to do. Whether he’s going to turn the tide in these districts is TBD.”

He can’t do the job of president because he is unfit and unable. Performing and pretending is all he knows how to do.

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Memory lapses

Memory lapses

by digby

He doesn’t really care that he’s caught blatantly lying. Trump’s base doesn’t watch CNN:

President Donald Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani said Sunday that if the President sits down for questioning by special counsel Robert Mueller, Trump will say he never discussed easing up on a probe of former White House national security adviser Michael Flynn with former FBI Director James Comey.

“There was no conversation about Michael Flynn. The President didn’t find out that Comey believed there was until about, I think, it was February when it supposedly took place. Memo came out in May. And in between, Comey testified under oath, in no way had he been obstructed at any time,” Giuliani told CNN’s “State of the Union” anchor Jake Tapper. “Then all of the sudden in May he says he felt obstructed. He felt pressured by that comment, ‘you should go easy on Flynn.’ So we maintain the President didn’t say that.”
[…]
Giuliani said on Sunday that a flat denial of the “let this go” comment is “what (Trump) will testify to if he’s asked that question.”

“They already know that,” he added. “Why are they asking us to repeat what they already know under oath?”

In July, Giuliani seemed to suggest on ABC’s “This Week” that Trump did ask Comey to let the probe go. After host George Stephanopoulos said to Giuliani that Comey says he took Trump’s remark as direction, Giuliani responded that he was also told, “Can you give the man a break?” many times as a prosecutor.

“He didn’t direct him to do that,” Giuliani said. “What he said was, can you, can you give him a break.”

“Comey says he took it as direction,” Stephanopoulos interjected.

“Well, that’s okay. He could have taken it that way, but by that time he had been fired,” Giuliani responded. “He said a lot of other things, some of which has turned out to be untrue. The reality is, as a prosecutor, I was told that many times, ‘can you give the man a break,’ either by his lawyers, by his relatives, by his friends. You take that into consideration. But you know, that doesn’t determine not going forward with it.”

On Sunday’s “State of the Union,” however, Giuliani said he “never told ABC that.”

“That’s crazy. I have never said that,” he added. “What I said was, that is what Comey is saying Trump said. I have always said the President denies it. “

This is undoubtedly a lie too:

President Trump’s lawyer Rudy Giuliani said Sunday that special counsel Robert Mueller gave him the deadline of Sept. 1 to end his probe into possible obstruction of justice on the part of the president.

“September 1 was the date that Bob Mueller gave me back two months ago … When we were talking about getting his report done, he threw out the date September 1 as a reasonable date to get it done,” Giuliani said on CNN’s “State of the Union.”

“I thought he [Mueller] meant, well that’ll keep us clear of the election. And they did say something like they didn’t want to repeat some of the mistakes that [former FBI director James] Comey made,” he continued. Comey has been slammed by the Justice Department and Democrats for showing poor judgment during the 2016 election, particularly for his decision to announce that the FBI was renewing its investigation into Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server while secretary of State just days before the presidential election.

“Maybe I put those things together or Jay did, and we came away with the idea that they’re trying to get it done by then.”

He’s as much a pathological liar as Trump. I guess that’s just par for the course now.

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Does he amuse you? Is he a clown?

Does he amuse you? Is he a clown?

by digby

This piece by David Von Drehle in the Washington Post talks about the Manafort trial reminding him of mob trials of the past and notes Trump’s own “associations.” I don’t think this has ever gotten the attention it deserves:

As many journalists have documented — the late Wayne Barrett and decorated investigator David Cay Johnston most deeply — Trump’s trail was blazed through one business after another notorious for corruption by organized crime.

New York construction, for starters. In 1988, Vincent “the Fish” Cafaro of the Genovese crime family testified before a U.S. Senate committee concerning the Mafia’s control of building projects in New York. Construction unions and concrete contractors were deeply dirty, Cafaro confirmed, and four of the city’s five crime families worked cooperatively to keep it that way.

This would not have been news to Trump, whose early political mentor and personal lawyer was Roy Cohn, consigliere to such dons as Fat Tony Salerno and Carmine Galante. After Cohn guided the brash young developer through the gutters of city politics to win permits for Trump Plaza and Trump Tower, it happened that Trump elected to build primarily with concrete rather than steel. He bought the mud at inflated prices from S&A Concrete, co-owned by Cohn’s client Salerno and Paul Castellano, boss of the Gambino family.

Coincidence? Fuhgeddaboudit.

Trump moved next into the New Jersey casino business, which was every bit as clean as it sounds. State officials merely shrugged when Trump bought a piece of land from associates of Philadelphia mob boss “Little Nicky” Scarfo for roughly $500,000 more than it was worth. However, this and other ties persuaded police in Australia to block Trump’s bid to build a casino in Sydney in 1987, citing Trump’s “Mafia connections.”

His gambling interests led him into the world of boxing promotion, where Trump became chums with fight impresario Don King, a former Cleveland numbers runner. (Trump once told me that he owes his remarkable coiffure to King, who advised the future president, from personal experience, that outlandish hair is great PR.) King hasn’t been convicted since the 1960s, when he did time for stomping a man to death. But investigators at the FBI and U.S. Senate concluded that his Mafia ties ran from Cleveland to New York, Las Vegas to Atlantic City. Mobsters “were looking to launder illicit cash,” wrote one sleuth. “Boxing, of all the sports, was perhaps the most accommodating laundromat, what with its international subculture of unsavory characters who play by their own rules.”

But an even more accommodating laundromat came along: luxury real estate — yet another mob-adjacent field in which the Trump name has loomed large. Because buyers of high-end properties often hide their identities, it’s impossible to say how many Russian Mafia oligarchs own Trump-branded condos. Donald Trump Jr. gave a hint in 2008: “Russians make up a pretty disproportionate cross-section of a lot of our assets.”

For instance: In 2013, federal prosecutors indicted Russian mob boss Alimzhan Tokhtakhounov and 33 others on charges related to a gambling ring operating from two Trump Tower condos that allegedly laundered more than $100 million. A few months later, the same Mr. Tokhtakhounov, a fugitive from U.S. justice, was seen on the red carpet at Trump’s Miss Universe pageant in Moscow.

Obviously, not everyone in these industries is corrupt, and if Donald Trump spent four decades rubbing elbows with wiseguys and never got dirty, he has nothing to worry about from special counsel Robert S. Mueller III.

But does he look unworried to you?

No. No he doesn’t.

Update: And then there’s all the hush money.

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What voters want by @BloggersRUs

What voters want
by Tom Sullivan


Photo: Midwest Energy Cooperative.

Heading into the fall election campaigns, friends with ears to the ground around my state consistently hear two issues are on voters’ minds: affordable health care and rural broadband. About health care people know plenty and there is still much to debate. Broadband access also improves people’s lives, and in places that could stand some improvement. This is a topic I am just digging into, but it is percolating out here beyond the Beltway.

Imagine something government can do for citizens that’s actually popular, especially outside cities:

The U.S. Senate hopes to aid rural areas across the country in expanding access to broadband internet with $425 million allocated in its agriculture appropriations bill.

Sens. Charles E. Schumer and Kirsten E. Gillibrand, D-N.Y., announced the funds for the U.S. Department of Agriculture Rural Utilities Services’ broadband grant-loan pilot program Tuesday. The new grant-loan program, created with funds in the omnibus spending bill passed in March, allows companies, municipalities, Native American tribes and other organizations to apply for funding to build or improve broadband technology in rural and tribal areas or acquire the facilities and equipment for it.

According to a release from the senators, more than a third of residents in rural areas and 41 percent of tribal residents lack broadband internet.

“Internet access has become one of our most basic necessities, yet some rural communities still don’t have access to this essential technology,” Sen. Gillibrand said in a statement. “People, schools, hospitals and businesses all rely on high-speed internet to succeed at work and have a good quality of life.”

The bill also includes $53 million for grants to purchase transmission facilities, interactive video equipment, audio equipment, computer hardware and technical assistance to expand telemedicine services in rural areas.

Niel Ritchie of the Minnesota-based Main Street Project believes the Senate version of the Farm Bill has features with merit for rural communities:

It reforms broadband loan and infrastructure programs to ensure funds are targeted on areas that are currently unserved by high-speed internet. It enlists the two federal agencies with the most experience in broadband deployment – the FCC and NTIA – to map out and prioritize the unserved areas.

And most important, it puts a stop to corporate manipulation that would divert funds needed to wire unserved rural areas into areas where broadband service is already available – putting an end to the wasteful practice where federal broadband funds are diverted to areas already served by the private sector, doubling up broadband for the “haves” while leaving the real “have-nots” marooned in the analog past.

There is, of course, some R-on-D bickering over private-sector support vs. allowing locals to invest in their own broadband infrastructure. Rep. Anna Eshoo (Calif.) clashed last month with Rep. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.) during a House Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Communications and Technology hearing on expanding rural broadband.

Eshoo defended the Community Broadband Act:

Eshoo said state legislatures are “screwing” local communities that want to invest in their own networks. She said many Americans, even those in some parts of Silicon Valley — the center of the country’s tech industry, have trouble accessing broadband.

“When at least a third is either underserved or not served in the second decade of the 21st century, that’s a major issue for our country,” she said.

This is a topic around which there is a lot of talk and too little action. I have only been on the periphery of the topic, but rural areas know they’re getting shorted. Broadband access is an issue in Colorado. It’s an issue in Ohio. And in Arizona, Iowa, Idaho, Maryland, Minnesota, Missouri, Nevada, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Wisconsin and Wyoming.

At that House hearing last month, a witness from North Carolina expressed the same frustrations:

Suzanne Coker Craig, a former commissioner in Pinetops, N.C. and a small business owner, said residents in her town benefitted when a neighboring locality build up their own municipal broadband network.

But Craig said, the state legislature placed restrictions on the ability to share that network with other towns.

“Our own state legislature has constantly fought to disconnect us and take away the best economic, educational and lifestyle benefit we have had in 50 years.”

Besides boosting education and small-business in rural areas, seems to me giving people what they want and need might help Democrats make friends in places the where they need more.

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For The Win 2018 is ready for download. Request a copy of my county-level election mechanics primer at tom.bluecentury at gmail.

Summertime Blus: Best re-issues of 2018 (so far) By Dennis Hartley @denofcinema5

Saturday Night at the Movies

Summertime Blus: Best re-issues of 2018 (so far)

By Dennis Hartley

Since we’re halfway through 2018 (already?) I thought I’d alert you to some of the latest and greatest Blu-ray reissues I’ve picked up so far this year. Any reviews based on Region “B” editions (which require a multi-region Blu-ray player) are noted as such; the good news is that multi-region players are now more affordable! In alphabetical order…

Dead Man (The Criterion Collection) – Rhymes with: “deadpan”. Then again, that could describe any film directed by the idiosyncratic Jim Jarmusch. As far as Kafkaesque westerns go, you could do worse than this 1995 offering. Johnny Depp plays mild-mannered accountant and city slicker William Blake (yes, I know) who travels West by train to the rustic town of Machine, where he has accepted a job. Or so he assumes. Getting shooed out of his would-be employer’s office at gunpoint (a great cameo by Robert Mitchum) turns out to be the least of his problems, which rapidly escalate. Soon, he’s a reluctant fugitive on the lam. Once he crosses paths with a semi-mystic Native American named Nobody (the wonderful Gary Farmer), his journey takes on a mythical ethos. Surreal, darkly funny, and poetic. Robby Mueller’s B&W photography is stunning.

Criterion’s 4K digital restoration shows a marked improvement over a previously released Blu-ray from Lion’s Gate. Extras abound; including footage of Neil Young working on the soundtrack, a new interview with Farmer, and an entertaining Q & A produced exclusively for Criterion, with Jarmusch responding to inquires sent in by fans.




Farewell, My Lovely/The Big Sleep (Shout! Factory Select) – The chief reason I geeked out over this “two-fer” was Farewell My Lovely, one of a handful of films directed by renowned 1960s photographer/TV ad creator Dick Richards. The 1975 crime drama is an atmospheric remake of the 1944 film noir Murder My Sweet (both adapted from the same Raymond Chandler novel). Robert Mitchum is at his world-weary best as detective Philip Marlowe, who is hired by a paroled convict (Jack O’Halloran) to track down his girlfriend, who has made herself scarce since he went to the joint. Per usual, Marlowe finds himself in a tangled web of corruption and deceit. Also featuring Charlotte Rampling, John Ireland, Sylvia Miles, and the late great Harry Dean Stanton.

The companion feature, writer-director Michael Winner’s 1978 remake of The Big Sleep (also adapted from a Raymond Chandler novel) is more of a hit-and-miss affair. Mitchum reprises his role as Marlowe; but he kind of phones it in this time out. This may be due to Winner’s decision to contemporize the story and move it to London; I suspect this threw Mitchum off (Winner may have been inspired by Robert Altman’s 1973 reimagining of Chandler’s The Long Goodbye, which featured Elliot Gould as a present-day Marlowe). I think Farewell My Lovely works better because Richards sets the story in late 1940s L.A., which is more faithful to Chandler’s original milieu (and Mitchum’s own iconography is deeply tethered to the classic noir cycle). Still, The Big Sleep is worth a peek, with a cast that includes Sarah Miles, Richard Boone, James Stewart, Oliver Reed, and Candy Clark.

While neither of these films look to have necessarily been restored, Shout! Factory’s digital HD transfers are the highest quality versions I’ve seen on home video (and both titles have been previously difficult to find). Extras include a new interview with Sarah Miles, a brief interview with Michael Winner, and a vintage featurette on The Big Sleep.

Female Trouble (Criterion Collection) – The late great Divine chews up major scenery as Dawn Davenport, a “good girl gone bad” …in the worst ways imaginable. Parents be cautioned: if your teenage daughter demands cha-cha heels for Christmas…for God’s sake, humor her–or there will be hell to pay. Even by his own mondo bizzaro standards, “czar of bad taste” John Waters has seldom topped the utter depravity of this mordantly hilarious 1974 entry. That said, our “reality” continues to catch up with his once-satirical, hyperreal vision of an American society completely driven by narcissism, an unhealthy obsession with the cult of celebrity, and self-aggrandizement at any cost. A trash classic.

Criterion’s Blu-ray edition features a restored 4K transfer; the film (shot on 16mm) has never looked more vivid (which might not necessarily be a good thing for squeamish viewers, who may spend some time afterwards wishing they could “un-see” certain scenes). Nonetheless, aficionados will be delighted by the generous piles of extras, including a commentary track (recorded in 2004) by the ever-chatty and vastly entertaining Waters, new and archival interviews with cast members, outtakes, and more.

Liquid Sky (Vinegar Syndrome) –A diminutive, parasitic alien (who seems to have a particular delectation for NYC club kids, models and performance artists) lands on an East Village rooftop and starts mainlining off the limbic systems of junkies and sex addicts…right at the moment that they, you know…reach the maximum peak of pleasure center stimulation (I suppose that makes the alien a dopamine junkie?). Just don’t think about the science too hard. The main attraction here is the inventive photography and the fascinatingly bizarre performance (or non-performance) by (co-screen writer) Anne Carlisle, who tackles two roles-a female fashion model who becomes the alien’s primary host, and a male model. Director Slava Zsukerman co-wrote the electronic music score.

This 1982 space oddity has been long overdue for a decent home video transfer, and Vinegar Syndrome gets an A+ for its 4K Blu-ray restoration (devotees like yours truly were previously stuck with a dismal DVD release that, while sold “legitimately”, screams “bootleg”). Extras include commentary track by director Zsukerman, plus a 50-minute “making of” documentary, a new interview with star Carlisle, outtakes, and much more.

Threads (Severin Films Limited Edition) – This stark and affecting cautionary tale debuted on the BBC in 1984, later airing in the U.S. on TBS. Director Mick Jackson delivers an uncompromising realism that makes The Day After (the U.S. TV film from the previous year) look like a Teletubbies episode. It’s a speculative narrative that takes a medium sized city (Sheffield) and depicts what would likely happen to its populace during and after a nuclear strike, in graphic detail. While this is a dramatization, the intent is not to “entertain” you in any sense of the word. The message is simple and direct-nothing good comes out of a nuclear conflict. It’s a living, breathing Hell for all concerned-and anyone “lucky” enough to survive will soon wish they were fucking dead.

Severin Films’ Blu-ray sports an excellent restored HD transfer, and marks the first edition playable on North American devices. Extras include a commentary track with Jackson and new interviews with actors, film crew, and screenwriter Stephen Thrower.

Woodfall: A Revolution in British Cinema (BFI box set; Region “B”) – If you’ve been looking for a convenient excuse to invest in a multi-region Blu-ray player, look no further than this magnificent box set from the British Film Institute. In 1958, taking their cues from the Italian neorealists and Cahiers du Cinema crowd, director Tony Richardson, writer John Osborne, and producer Harry Saltzman founded Woodfall Films, an indie production studio that aimed to shake up the staid UK movie industry by creating what would come to be known as the British New Wave. The studio’s oeuvre was initially pigeonholed as “angry young man” or “kitchen sink” films, but there was more diversity in style and content than that labeling would infer, as this 8-film collection demonstrates.

The set features 5 films directed by Richardson: Look Back in Anger (1959), The Entertainer (1960), A Taste of Honey (1961), The Loneliness of the Long-Distance Runner (1962), and Tom Jones (1963). That would make for a fabulous collection in and of itself; but also included are Karel Reisz’s Saturday Night and Sunday Morning (1960), Desmond Davis’ Girl with Green Eyes (1964), and Richard Lester’s The Knack…and how to get it (1965). This is also a showcase of breakthrough performances from the likes of Richard Burton, Albert Finney, Rita Tushingham, and Tom Courtenay.

There are over 20 hours of extras (in which I have made but a small dent so far) spread out over the 8 films plus a 9th disc dedicated solely to bonus material. In addition to new and archival interviews with filmmakers and actors, there is a treasure trove of rare shorts by Richardson, Reisz and others, plus an 80-page booklet with essays on all 8 films. Picture and sound quality are excellent (many of the films are newly restored; Tom Jones looks particularly gorgeous) with one caveat: for whatever reasons, The Knack…and how to get it is glaringly unrestored. The transfer of the film is decent enough, but the print is a little rough in patches and the audio somewhat muffled (thankfully there is a subtitle option). It’s a minor hiccup in an otherwise stellar package. A film buff’s delight!

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–Dennis Hartley