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Month: November 2019

Shaken but not stirred

Shaken but not stirred

by digby

Gopers handwringing over Trump in private but failing to step up is the most predictable storyline in politics. Nonetheless:

Several Republican lawmakers were more “shaken” than they publicly let on by the testimony of a US official in Kiev who overheard a phone conversation between the US ambassador to the European Union and President Donald Trump, a top GOP congressional source told CNN.

David Holmes — who will testify publicly as part of the House impeachment inquiry — said in closed-door testimony last week that US Ambassador to the EU Gordon Sondland had told Trump that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky “loves your ass” and that Ukraine was going to move forward with the investigation Trump had asked Zelensky for a day earlier. Holmes said he was able to overhear the conversation due to the volume of Trump’s voice while he sat with Sondland at a restaurant in Kiev.

According to the GOP congressional source, that testimony led several GOP lawmakers to express frustration that Sondland would place a call to the President in a public restaurant, and are concerned that Holmes’ testimony was the most convincing argument for Trump’s direct involvement in the campaign to pressure Ukraine.

The House Intelligence Committee will have Holmes, the counselor for political affairs at the US Embassy in Ukraine, testifying alongside former White House official Fiona Hill on Thursday, according to the Democratic aide. The addition of Holmes means nine individuals will testify publicly as witnesses in the House impeachment probe this week.

Holmes’ testimony is making some GOP members worry about how far Sondland will go in his public testimony on Wednesday and two senior Republican sources say that some House Republicans are worried about how Sondland will handle himself at the hearing.
The sources point out that Sondland is not an accomplished diplomat and one source adds he believes Sondland was unprepared and ill fitted for the job as US ambassador to the European Union. According to multiple State Department and former State Department officials, he was not well regarded by the US diplomatic community.

House Republicans are also increasingly worried about the political fallout from the hearings overall and the impact of multiple witnesses who are career professionals.

They are especially concerned about the reaction from independent voters and suburban women voters who are watching Trump attack witnesses both on Twitter and on television.

I don’t doubt this is true. They can’t be completely braindead. But I’m sure they will be good courtiers for their Mad King and put on an energetic performance in public.

They should be careful though. 70% of the public believe that Trump was wrong to do what he did with Ukraine. Those people might just start to think his vociferous defenders aren’t people of integrity. They might even decide not to vote for them.

All their sycophantic bootlicking will make excellent advertisements. For the Democrats.

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156 years ago today

156 years ago today

by digby

“Most people don’t know Abraham Lincoln was a Republican” — President Donald Trump

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate — we can not consecrate — we can not hallow — this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

Abraham Lincoln
November 19, 1863

And here we are.

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No exit by @BloggersRUs

No exit
by Tom Sullivan

The House impeachment inquiry continues this morning with additional witnesses to the Fall of the House of Trump. “Fall” here may not mean Trump’s removal from office, nor “House of Trump” his family, but the party he has put under his boot heel. History will be kind to neither.

NBCNews foreign correspondent Richard Engel suggests President Donald Trump will not stop the behaviors that sparked the Mueller investigation and subsequent congressional inquiry. Nor will his coterie of enabler/defenders get off the Trump train. Public opinion may be turning against Trump, but his American unfaithful remain behind him to the end, it seems.

An ABC News/Ipsos poll finds 70% of Americans think President Donald Trump’s attempt to leverage military assistance to Ukraine to obtain an investigation of a political rival is wrong. Furthermore:

… 51% of Americans say that “President Trump’s actions were wrong and he should be impeached by the House and removed from office by the Senate.” Nineteen percent of Americans say President Trump’s actions were wrong but he should not be removed from office and 25% say President Trump did nothing wrong.

None of that will move Trump defenders on Capitol Hill from supporting him. As Attorney General William Barr’s Friday speech to the Federalist Society demonstrates, they too are on the “dictator’s treadmill” with their amoral tower of insecurities.

Dahlia Lithwick concurs. Fantasies of Senate Republicans rediscovering their consciences, rededicating themselves to upholding the Constitution, and removing Trump from office “in a blaze of bipartisan glory” are the stuff of Hallmark holiday movies:

Don’t believe it for a minute. Senate Republicans may be fussing internally about how best to play out the impeachment trial, but not one of them, with the possible exception of Mitt Romney, is casting around for any kind of off-ramp here. As Renae Reints notes in Fortune, this isn’t even a close call. Republicans in the Senate are not looking for a principled reason, or even a pretext, that might allow them to follow their heart’s true desire and break with this president. “On the whole, however, Republicans side with party leadership,” Reints writes. “The latest Gallup poll on Trump’s job approval—conducted after the House launched their impeachment inquiry—show 87% of GOP voters are behind the president. This means Republican members of Congress are likely to stick behind Trump, regardless of what the independents or the other 13% of Republicans believe.”

Senate Republicans were never going to help Democrats “save constitutional norms, values, or institutions, and they won’t do so now.” As recent Republican electoral losses sink in, only the prospect of losing everything might move a few to realize the Ghost of Election Future’s shroud is only the bed curtains and there is time yet to redeem their supreme self-interest.

“President outsources his foreign policy to gangsters” ought to draw more attention than it has, writes Jonathan Chait. So far, the impeachment inquiry has focused less attention on “a pair of sleazeballs with ties to the Russian mafia” — meaning indicted Trump associates Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman — than on Trump’s lawyer, former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani. Is it possible Trump also sought to enrich himself through their actions?

It’s possible Trump sent Parnas, Giuliani, and Fruman to Ukraine solely for his political mission, and while there, they decided to shake down the Ukrainians for some energy money. But Trump is famous for his intense, almost fanatical hatred of hangers-on who make money for themselves off his name. Trump was so enraged in 2016 by the very thought that transition planners were making money that belonged to him — “You’re stealing my money! You’re stealing my fucking money! What the fuck is this?” he screamed at Chris Christie …

Given that, Chait speculates plans by Parnas, Fruman, Giuliani and Energy Secretary Rick Perry to turn their Trump connections into natural-gas contracts might even have involved Trump eyeing a piece of the action. Who knows?

The quote Chait references above is from a 2018 column by Michael Lewis (“Moneyball” and “The Big Short”) that paints a portrait of how Trump sees his government job. Reacting to Trump’s fury about hirelings stealing his money, Steve Bannon and Christie tried to explain the nuances of federal law. His response (per Lewis)?

Fuck the law. I don’t give a fuck about the law. I want my fucking money. Bannon and Christie tried to explain that Trump couldn’t have both his money and a transition.

Shut it down, said Trump. Shut down the transition.

Three years later, he faces impeachment if not removal from office. His denialist defenders may stick with them to the end, even to their own removal from office.

No one is safe in Trump World

No one is safe in Trump World

by digby

You knew this was coming, right?

Trump has fumed for weeks that Pompeo is responsible for hiring State Department officials whose congressional testimony threatens to bring down his presidency, the officials said. The president confronted Pompeo about the officials — and what he believed was a lackluster effort by the secretary of state to block their testimony — during lunch at the White House on Oct. 29, those familiar with the matter said.

….“He feels like he’s getting a bunch of blame from the president and the White House for having hired all these people who are turning against Trump,” an official familiar with the dynamic said of Pompeo, “and that it’s the State Department that is going to bring him down, so it’s all Pompeo’s fault.”

Pompeo has been trying to maintain a shred of credibility for a future Senate and/or White House run by being cagey on Ukraine in a thoroughly unconvincing way. But that’s a non-starter no matter what Trump does. He lashed himself to that ship a long time ago.

Nonetheless, it’s delicious seeing this D-list tea partyer have to sweat. He’s being excoriated for betraying all the people who work for him while Trump is having a fit that he isn’t bringing the hammer down harder. It’s hard out here for a sycophant.

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All Republicans want is a little civility

All Republicans want is a little civility

by digby

It appears the Republicans have come up with a new theme to take into the 2020 campaign. And it’s a doozy because it’s basically a giant, epic, troll.

Recall that Ron Johnsons was wringing his hands over how the country is so divided and “can’t we all just get along” on Meet the Press yesterday. Here’s the gravedigger of democracy on the same subject:

Bemoaning the country’s lack of civility, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said Monday that both sides of the political spectrum need to defuse the anger surrounding political discourse.

Speaking in his home state of Kentucky, the Republican leader said the country needs to “learn how to behave better, how to be able to disagree without anger.”

McConnell is a key ally of President Donald Trump and has referred to himself as the “Grim Reaper” for his strategy of burying the legislative priorities of House Democrats in the GOP-led Senate.

On Monday, the senator listed incivility as the country’s biggest problem.

“We have a behavioral problem,” McConnell said in a speech after receiving an award from the Kentucky Electric Cooperatives at the group’s annual meeting. “People are acting out and it’s not, I don’t think, limited to one ideological place or another. You’ve just got a lot of people engaging in bad behavior.”

At least he was “civil” when he said this:

You have to give them credit for chutzpah if nothing else.

I can see members of the Trump cult at his rallies, red-faced, fists pumping, shouting at the top of their lungs: “We Need Civility!” as Trump stalks around the stage mocking and insulting his rivals. Should be fun.

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You want pay-for-play? THIS is pay-for-play.

You want pay-for-play? THIS is pay-for-play.

by digby

They don’t even try to hide it anymore:

A CBS News investigation has uncovered a possible pay-for-play scheme involving the Republican National Committee and President Donald Trump’s nominee for ambassador to the Bahamas. Emails obtained by CBS News show the nominee, San Diego billionaire Doug Manchester, was asked by the RNC to donate half a million dollars as his confirmation in the Senate hung in the balance, chief investigative correspondent Jim Axelrod reports.

When Hurricane Dorian ravaged the Bahamas in September, Manchester wanted to help. So the San Diego real estate developer, who prefers the nickname “Papa Doug,” loaded up his private jet with supplies and headed for the hard-hit Caribbean country where he owned a home – and hoped to soon be serving as U.S. ambassador.

A Trump supporter, Manchester donated $1 million to Trump’s inauguration fund. He was offered the Bahamas post the day after Mr. Trump was sworn in. Manchester said Trump told him, “I should probably be the ambassador to the Bahamas and you should be president.”

Then, for two and a half years, Manchester’s nomination stalled in the Senate.

His Bahamas relief trip caught the attention of the President. Trump tweeted, “I would also like to thank ‘Papa’ Doug Manchester, hopefully the next Ambassador to the Bahamas, for the incredible amount of time, money and passion he has spent on helping to bring safety to the Bahamas.”

Three days after the tweet, RNC Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel hit up Manchester for a donation. It was no small sum. In an email, obtained exclusively by CBS News, she asked Manchester, “Would you consider putting together $500,000 worth of contributions from your family to ensure we hit our ambitious fundraising goal?”

“Did you feel like they were putting the arm on you?” Axelrod asked.

“No, I didn’t. That’s part of politics. It’s unbelievable. You give and you give and you give and you give some more and more and more,” Manchester said.

“Does any part of you feel if you had just cut the check for $500,000 that you would be the ambassador to the Bahamas?” Axelrod asked.

“No, because first of all, you have to get out of committee and you have to be voted on the floor,” Manchester said. “It’s a big process.”

The Senate confirmation process is exactly what Manchester quickly addressed. He wrote back to McDaniel’s request for $500,000, “As you know I am not supposed to do any, but my wife is sending a contribution for $100,000. Assuming I get voted out of the [Foreign Relations Committee] on Wednesday to the floor we need you to have the majority leader bring it to a majority vote … Once confirmed, I our [sic] family will respond!”

“You know what this looks like,” Axelrod said.

“Well — it looks like it to you. But it’s not the facts,” Manchester said. “My wife gave out of separate funds and she in fact loves Donald Trump.”

In a statement, a spokesman for the Republican National Committee told us, “The Chairwoman did not suggest to Mr. Manchester in any way that it would more quickly advance his confirmation if members of his family made a political contribution.”

The RNC said, “Mr. Manchester’s decision to link future contributions to an official action was totally inappropriate.” They say they have cut ties with Manchester and returned the money his family donated this year.

It is not unusual for president of both parties to hand out ambassadorships to big donor. Apparently, about a 3rd of them typically go to such fatcats. Trump is a little bit unusual in that instead of them all being donors, he gave some slots to club members who pay him personally in the hundreds of thousands to join, but that’s just because he’s the most criminal president in history.

This particular nomination was held up for other reasons, by Republicans:

Former Senator Bob Corker, who was the chair of the Senate’s foreign relations committee before he retired in January, held up Manchester’s nomination.

“We had concerns about judgment, about demeanor, about just the whole reason for taking the job,” Corker said.

He found McDaniel’s fundraising pitch problematic. “The timing of that request obviously was not appropriate,” he said.

Even worse, he said, was Manchester’s response. His big mistake was copying staffers of two senators who controlled his nomination, Kentucky’s Rand Paul and Idaho’s Jim Risch, alerting them to his willingness to donate more after confirmation.

“I can only tell you that if I received an email like that, there would have been a five-bell alarm that went off,” Corker said.

And that’s exactly what happened. Risch alerted the White House, which then asked Manchester to withdraw.

Manchester is obviously a dolt. But he was just following the Trump rules of government: it’s basically an extortion racket.

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Zelensky was alarmed about the bribery last May

Zelensky was alarmed about the bribery last May

by digby


Oops:

Despite his denials, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy was feeling pressure from the Trump administration to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden before his July phone call with President Donald Trump that has led to impeachment hearings.

In early May, staff at the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv, including then-Ambassador Marie Yovanovitch, were briefed on a meeting Zelenskiy held in which he sought advice on how to navigate the difficult position he was in, according to two people with knowledge of the briefings.

He was concerned that Trump and associates were pressing him to take action that could affect the 2020 U.S. presidential race, the people said. They spoke only on condition of anonymity because of the diplomatic and political sensitivity of the issue.

The briefings show that U.S. officials knew early that Zelenskiy was feeling pressure to investigate Biden, even though the Ukrainian leader later denied it in a joint news conference with Trump in September. The officials said in their notes circulated internally at the State Department that Zelenskiy tried to mask the real purpose of the May 7 meeting __ which was to talk about political problems with the White House __ by saying it was about energy, the two people said.

Congressional Republicans have pointed to that public Zelenskiy statement to argue that he felt no pressure to open an investigation, and therefore the Democrats’ allegations that led to the impeachment hearings are misplaced.
[…]
The U.S. briefings — and contemporaneous notes on Zelenskiy’s early anxiety about Trump’s interest in an investigation — suggest that Democrats have evidence in reach to contradict Republican arguments that Zelenskiy never felt pressure to investigate Biden.

The Associated Press reported last month about Zelenskiy’s meeting on May 7 with, two top aides, as well as Andriy Kobolyev, head of the state-owned natural gas company Naftogaz, and Amos Hochstein, an American who sits on the Ukrainian company’s supervisory board. Ahead of the meeting, Hochstein told Yovanovitch, the U.S. ambassador, why he was being called in.

He separately briefed two U.S. Embassy officials, Suriya Jayanti and Joseph Pennington, about Zelenskiy’s concerns, said the two people who spoke to the AP. Jayanti and Pennington took notes on the meeting, the people said.

After the meeting, Hochstein told the embassy officials about Zelenskiy’s concerns and then traveled to Washington to update Yovanovitch on the meeting. The ambassador, who was facing a smear campaign, had just been called back to Washington, where she was informed that she no longer had the confidence of the president. She was relieved of her duties as ambassador on May 20.

Jayanti was also one of three witnesses to a phone call in which Trump discussed his interest in an investigation of Biden with his ambassador to the European Union, Gordon Sondland. The call occurred while Sondland was having lunch with three embassy officials in Kyiv. David Holmes, political counsel at the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv, has already detailed to House investigators what he overheard. Jayanti and the third witness, Tara Maher, have not been interviewed.

Hochstein, a former diplomat who advised Biden on Ukraine matters during the Obama administration, has also not been questioned in the impeachment proceedings.

The Republican arguments about Zelenskiy’s lack of concern stem from a Sept. 25 joint media appearance by the American and Ukrainian leaders in which Zelenskiy discussed the July call with Trump that effectively launched the impeachment inquiry.

The appearance came shortly after Trump released a rough transcript of the call.

“You heard that we had, I think, good phone call. It was normal. We spoke about many things. And I — so I think, and you read it, that nobody pushed — pushed me,” Zelenskiy said in the appearance with Trump on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly meeting in New York.

“In other words, no pressure,” Trump spoke up to add.

In the impeachment hearings, Democrats have countered that Zelenskiy’s public comments came when he was trying to calm the waters with the U.S. president in the immediate wake of the transcript’s release. The burgeoning scandal has brought further uncertainty for Ukraine with its most important Western partner as the country faces simmering conflict with Russia. Zelenskiy’s May 7 meeting suggests that he had been concerned about U.S. support from the start.

Also, Mulvaney and Perry had better lawyer up if they haven’t already:

A U.S. ambassador set to testify this week in the House impeachment inquiry kept several Trump administration officials apprised of his effort to get Ukraine to launch investigations that President Donald Trump would later discuss in a July call with his Ukrainian counterpart, emails reviewed by The Wall Street Journal show.

Gordon Sondland, the U.S. ambassador to the European Union who will be one of eight witnesses to testify in the inquiry’s second week of open hearings, is one of several people who has linked a holdup of security aid to Ukraine over the summer with investigations that Trump sought. Sondland’s conversations with Trump about the investigations, including one revealed last week in another ambassador’s testimony, has made him a central figure to Democrats’ investigation.

Several witnesses have testified to impeachment investigators that they were alarmed by what they perceived as dual channels of U.S. policy on Ukraine — one traditional, and the other led by Sondland and Rudy Giuliani, the president’s personal attorney, which focused on the president’s push for certain investigations. Sondland kept several top officials — including acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney and Energy Secretary Rick Perry — apprised of that push, according to the emails reviewed by the Journal, in the weeks leading up to Trump’s July 25 phone call with his Ukrainian counterpart that spurred a whistleblower complaint and, ultimately, the impeachment probe.

Wednesday’s hearing is going to be something.

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“I did nothing wrong, the call was perfect”

“I did nothing wrong, the call was perfect”

by digby

It turns out that most people don’t agree with that:

An overwhelming 70% of Americans think President Donald Trump’s request to a foreign leader to investigate his political rival, which sits at the heart of the House of Representatives’ impeachment inquiry, was wrong, a new ABC News/Ipsos poll finds.

A slim majority of Americans, 51%, believe Trump’s actions were both wrong and he should be impeached and removed from office. But only 21% of Americans say they are following the hearings very closely.

In addition to the 51%, another 19% think that Trump’s actions were wrong, but that he should either be impeached by the House but not removed from office, or be neither impeached by the House nor convicted by the Senate. The survey also finds that 1 in 4 Americans, 25%, think that Trump did nothing wrong.

Still, nearly 1 in 3, 32%, say they made up their minds about impeaching the president before the news broke about Trump’s July phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, in which Trump urged his Ukrainian counterpart to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden and his son, Hunter.

The poll conducted by Ipsos in partnership with ABC News, using Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel, asked Americans how closely they were following the first week of public impeachment hearings in the House, their assessments of Trump’s actions and whether those actions warranted impeachment and removal from office. The survey also asked Americans when they decided on the matter.
ABC NewsWhen it comes to the recent impeachment hearings, which one of the following statements comes closest to your point of view?

House Democrats are investigating whether the administration withheld nearly $400 million in aid and promised a White House summit between the two leaders in exchange for an investigation into the president’s political rival, Biden, and his son, for his place on the board of Ukrainian energy company Burisma.

After weeks of a steady stream of current and former administration and government officials testifying behind closed doors, three have so far appeared in public for the first impeachment hearings in over 20 years: George Kent, the deputy assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian Affairs; Bill Taylor, the top U.S. diplomat to Ukraine; and Marie Yovanovitch, the former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine.

Overall, 58% of Americans say they are following the hearings very closely or somewhat closely (21% and 37%, respectively), and 21% say they made up their minds about impeachment after the first week of public hearings. Among those who said this, 60% think that Trump should be impeached and removed from office.

Of those following the House impeachment hearings very closely, 67% think Trump’s actions were wrong and he should be impeached and removed from office.

Among Democrats, 41% say they made up their minds about impeachment before Trump’s actions related to Ukraine became public. And 41% of those who support Trump’s impeachment and removal from office say they made up their minds before the matter came to light.
(MORE: Only 17% of Americans surprised by Trump’s actions tied to Ukraine: POLL)

They saved this bit for last but I think it may be the most important finding:

The unfolding political drama between congressional Democrats and the White House reveals a polarized populace, with Democrats more united in their belief that Trump should be impeached and convicted than Republicans are in their belief that the president has committed no wrongdoing: 85% and 65%, respectively.

That is meaningful, particularly in light of the fact that Trump’s so-called “magic” doesn’t seem to be working to get Republicans elected in deep red states. The intensity about impeachments is on the normal peoples’ side.

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Puppet watch

Puppet watch

by digby

This list of the times Trump has been soft on Russia from CNN is incomplete but it hits the highlights. We may never know exactly why he has done this. The theories range from kompromat to genuine admiration to sheer stubbornness. Whatever the motive, it’s obvious and it’s important to keep it in mind for the record if nothing else.

President Donald Trump has an Achilles’ heel when it comes to Russia.

Over the years, he’s made no secret that he has a soft spot for the country and its authoritarian leader, President Vladimir Putin. Trump has proved that he is willing to reject widely held US foreign policy views and align himself with the Kremlin on everything from Russian interference in US elections to the war in Syria.


Trump’s ties to Russians were so concerning that the FBI believed there was good reason to investigate potential collusion between his 2016 campaign and the Kremlin. Counterintelligence investigators also examined whether Trump himself was somehow a Russian asset. (Special counsel Robert Mueller did not establish a criminal conspiracy of collusion.)
In Trump’s eyes, these allegations are proof of a conspiracy against him by Democratic lawmakers and other “deep state” enemies in the US government. He bombastically declared last year, “There’s never been a president as tough on Russia as I have been.”
But that claim is simply false, based on Trump’s actions over the last few years. Here’s a full breakdown of 25 occasions when Trump was soft on Russia or gave Putin a boost.

Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and US President Donald Trump talk during a bilateral meeting at the G20 leaders summit in Osaka, Japan, June 28, 2019.

Trump has repeatedly praised Putin 

While he was a private citizen, during his 2016 campaign and throughout his presidency, Trump has showered Putin with praise. He said Putin was “so nice,” he called Putin a “strong leader” and said Putin has done “a really great job outsmarting our country.” Trump also claimed he’d “get along very well” with Putin. Few, if any, Western leaders have echoed these comments.

Trump hired Manafort to run his campaign 

Trump raised eyebrows in spring 2016 when he hired GOP operative Paul Manafort to run his presidential campaign. Manafort spent a decade working for pro-Russian politicians and parties in Ukraine and cultivated close relationships with Putin-friendly oligarchs. Manafort is currently in prison for, among other things, evading taxes on the $60 million he made from his Ukraine consulting.

Trump suggested Russia can keep Crimea 

Trump said Putin did “an amazing job of taking the mantle” when Russia annexed Crimea in 2014. During the presidential campaign, Trump broke with US policy and suggested he was OK if Russia kept the Ukrainian territory. He repeated a Kremlin talking point, saying, “The people of Crimea, from what I’ve heard, would rather be with Russia than where they were.”

Trump’s team softened the GOP platform on Ukraine 

Ahead of the 2016 Republican National Convention, Trump campaign aides blocked language from the party platform that called for the US government to send lethal weapons to Ukraine for its war against Russian proxies. Mueller investigated this for potential collusion but determined the change was not made “at the behest” of Russia. (The Trump administration ultimately gave lethal arms and anti-tank weapons to the Ukrainian military.)

Trump made light of Russian hacking 

Throughout the 2016 campaign, Trump cast doubt on the US government assessment that Russia hacked the Democratic National Committee and Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton’s campaign chairman. At a news conference in July 2016, he even asked Russia to hack more, saying, “Russia, if you’re listening, I hope you’re able to find the 30,000 emails that are missing,”

Trump denied that Russia interfered in 2016 

The Office of the Director of National Intelligence, the FBI, the CIA, the National Security Agency, the Justice Department and the Senate Intelligence Committee all confirmed that Russia interfered in the 2016 election to help Trump. But Trump has repeatedly rejected this view, and publicly sided with Putin at the Helsinki summit in 2018, saying he accepted Putin’s denials.

Trump transition undermined Russian sanctions 

After the election, the Trump transition team asked Russia not to retaliate against new US sanctions imposed by then-President Barack Obama. The sanctions were meant to punish Russia for interfering in the election, but then-Trump aide Michael Flynn asked the Russian ambassador not to escalate the situation so they could have a good relationship once Trump took over.

Trump was open to lifting Russian sanctions 

Days before his inauguration, Trump told The Wall Street Journal that he was open to lifting sanctions on Russia. He said: “If you get along and if Russia is really helping us, why would anybody have sanctions if somebody’s doing some really great things?” Putin has tried for years to persuade the US and European countries to end crippling sanctions on Russia’s economy.

Trump refused to say Putin is a killer 

Bucking other US leaders, Trump has dismissed credible allegations that Putin uses violence against his opponents. Trump said in 2015, “I think it would be despicable if that took place, but I haven’t seen any evidence that he killed anybody, in terms of reporters.” Asked again in February 2017, Trump deflected, saying, “There are a lot of killers. Do you think our country is so innocent?”

Trump mulled giving spy compounds to Russia 

The Washington Post reported in May 2017 that the Trump administration considered returning two diplomatic compounds to Russia. The Obama administration expelled Russian diplomats and seized the compounds in New York and Maryland after the 2016 election, claiming they were used for “intelligence” purposes. The compounds were never returned to Russia.

Trump gave Russia classified intelligence

President Trump with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in the Oval Office
In a shocking move during the early months of his presidency, Trump shared highly classified intelligence with two senior Russian officials during an Oval Office meeting in May 2017. The intelligence, which was about ISIS, was sensitive enough that it could have exposed a vulnerable source. The unplanned disclosure by Trump rattled even many of his Republican allies.

Trump was reluctant to sign Russian sanctions 

Lawmakers passed a bipartisan bill in July 2017 imposing new sanctions against Russia, even though Trump administration officials reportedly tried to water down the language. Trump reluctantly signed the bill, but said the new law contained “clearly unconstitutional provisions.” Trump had little choice in the matter because the bill had passed with veto-proof majorities. (The Treasury Department followed up with several rounds of hard-hitting sanctions.)

Trump thanked Putin for expelling US diplomats 

Trump thanked Putin for expelling hundreds of US diplomats from Russia in August 2017, saying, “I want to thank him because we’re trying to cut down our payroll.” Putin kicked out the officials to retaliate for US sanctions. Trump’s view conflicted with the State Department, which said the mass expulsion was “uncalled for.” (Trump later said he was being sarcastic.)

Trump criticized and alienated NATO allies 

Trump has repeatedly attacked NATO, aligning himself with Putin, who wants to weaken the alliance. Trump said NATO was “obsolete,” rattling European leaders. At his first NATO summit, Trump scolded other countries for not spending enough on defense and declined to commit to NATO’s mutual defense pledge. (Trump later said he supported the mutual defense provision.)

Trump eased sanctions on Deripaska 

In January 2019, the Trump administration lifted sanctions on three Russian companies tied to Oleg Deripaska, a Russian oligarch with close ties to Putin. The Treasury Department had sanctioned Deripaska and the companies over his support for Russian interference in the 2016 election. In a bipartisan rebuke, 11 Senate Republicans supported a Democratic resolution calling for the sanctions to remain.

Trump congratulated Putin on his sham election 

Ignoring the advice of several top national security aides, Trump congratulated Putin on his March 2018 reelection victory. Putin got 77% of the vote, but Western observers declared that the election “lacked genuine competition” and took place in an “overly controlled legal and political environment.” Trump’s critics said he had given the election legitimacy it did not deserve.

Trump defended USSR invasion of Afghanistan 

During a January 2019 Cabinet meeting, Trump defended the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. He said the Soviet Union “was right” to invade in 1979 because “terrorists were going into Russia.” The comments puzzled many observers, who noted that the Soviets invaded to bolster a communist government and the US had backed Afghan militants who fought the Soviets.

Trump praised pro-Russian leaders in Europe

On several occasions, Trump has praised controversial far-right European leaders who have been shunned by most US officials because of their close ties to Putin. Trump met at the White House with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, a top Kremlin ally. He praised the campaign of French politician Marine Le Pen, whose party previously got millions from a Russian bank.

Trump didn’t publicly condemn Russian attack 

According to congressional testimony, Trump declined to publicly condemn a Russian attack against Ukrainian military vessels in November 2018, even though the State Department prepared a statement for him. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo criticized Russia’s “dangerous escalation.” The White House didn’t say anything, but Trump canceled a meeting with Putin.

Trump wanted to let Russia back in the G7 

Breaking with American allies, Trump repeatedly called for Russia to be invited back into the Group of Seven. Russia was suspended from the working group of leading industrial nations in 2014 after Putin annexed Crimea. At this year’s G7 summit in France, Trump pressed the other leaders to include Russia next year. They balked at the request, which would have been a huge benefit to Putin without any concessions.

Trump’s Syria withdrawal gave Putin a boost 

Trump announced in October 2019 that US troops were withdrawing from northern Syria. The abrupt move cleared the way for Turkey to conquer territories previously controlled by the US and allied Kurdish militias. It also gave Russia a golden opportunity to expand its influence and swiftly take over abandoned US outposts and checkpoints. Trump’s move was a boon for Putin.

Trump repeated Kremlin talking points on ISIS 

After announcing the Syria withdrawal, Trump repeated Kremlin talking points about ISIS. He said, “Russia hates ISIS as much as the United States does” and that they are equal partners in the fight. But Trump’s comments don’t reflect the reality on the ground: Since intervening in Syria in 2015, the Russian military has focused its airstrikes on anti-government rebels, not ISIS.

Trump spread Russian myths about Ukraine 

Over the past two months, Trump has said many false things about Ukraine that align with Russian disinformation about the country. This includes claims of uncontrollable corruption, improper ties between Ukrainian officials and the Obama administration, and allegations that Ukraine meddled in US elections. This helps Putin’s goal of destabilizing US-Ukraine relations.

Trump temporarily froze US aid for Ukraine 

As the impeachment inquiry has revealed, Trump personally froze $391 million in US military and security assistance for Ukraine in mid-2019. US diplomats said Ukraine desperately needed the help for its war against Russian proxies. Previously, the Trump administration had slow-walked sales of anti-tank missiles to Ukraine because of concerns it would upset Russia, according to a State Department official.

If his performance at Helsinki didn’t prove that there’s something very, very weird about all this then nothing will. It remains one of the top five most stunning moments of the Trump presidency.

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Bill Barr takes it to the next level

Bill Barr takes it to the next level

by digby

My Salon column today:

The biggest moment in former Ukraine ambassador Marie Yovanovitch’s impeachment-hearing testimony on Friday was when House Intelligence Committee chair Adam Schiff, D-Calif., told her that President Trump was attacking her on Twitter as she was speaking.

Trump’s defenders came out in force, offering various explanations for his mob-like behavior. Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, has been arguing that Trump was just testing the Ukrainians to see if they would fall into his trap and prove they were corrupt. Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis., using the abusive-husband excuse, insisted that it’s Trump’s political opponents who make him behave the way he does — they are “tormenting” him and should have just covered up his crimes for the good of the country. It’s clear that the only thing they can settle on is the inane story that Trump prefers: He did absolutely nothing wrong and anyone who says otherwise is a partisan hack acting in bad faith.

Trump himself was defiant when asked about his Twitter assault on Yovanovitch, saying he has the right of free speech, and simply refusing to acknowledge that intimidating and threatening people is illegal. His views on all this are clear, and he’s said it many times: “Article II means I have the right to do whatever I want.”

We know that Trump has never read the Constitution. His lack of basic civics knowledge is legendary and he wouldn’t sit still for a serious lecture on what it means. So where do you suppose he got this lie about Article II, which he bandies about as if it’s some obscure text that nobody’s ever heard of? (It’s rather similar to the way he constantly claims that few people realize Abraham Lincoln was a Republican.)

The first time I can find that he mentioned it was back in August of 2018 when he was asked by a Bloomberg reporter whether he was going to fire then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions:

Look, I just would love to have him do a great job. And I’d love to have him look at the other side. And I have purposely — and there’s no reason for me to do this — I could go and — you know, I mean — I’m allowed to do. You look at Article II, you look at whatever you want to look at, I’m allowed to be very much involved. This is just a witch hunt.

I don’t know why he suddenly started evoking fake dictatorial powers found in Article II, but it is entirely possible that he got it from an unsolicited memo sent to the White House around that time by a retired lawyer and former Republican attorney general named Bill Barr. Needless to say, Trump didn’t personally read that memo, but it’s likely that its arguments were conveyed to him, including Barr’s repeated assertion that Article II of the Constitution sets forth virtually unlimited executive power. Anyone observing Trump over the past few years would know how well he would respond to that.

So then Barr was nominated to be the attorney general and fudged his way through the confirmation hearings, obviously aware that he could hoodwink the media and the political establishment into believing that since he had been George H.W. Bush’s AG he was an old-school Republican who would play it straight and go by the book. That memo and his associations came up but didn’t specifically seem to alarm Senate Democrats, although there wouldn’t have been a lot they could do about it even if it had. There were great hopes that this experienced, veteran, D.C. insider would take control of the Department of Justice and work to rein in this rogue president.

It turns out, of course, that Barr is more radical than anyone could have imagined. I’ve written about his adherence to the “unitary executive” theory quite a bit. But last Friday night he gave a speech to the Federalist Society that makes clear his pet constitutional theory is only a part of the problem. This is not just about presidential power. It is about a deep loathing for his political opposition on such a visceral level that it’s frightening to think about such a man having so much power and being answerable only to the inept bully in the White House. It was frankly authoritarian.

Among other things, Barr said:

The fact of the matter is that, in waging a scorched earth, no-holds-barred war of resistance against this administration, it is the left that is engaged in the systematic shredding of norms and undermining the rule of law. This highlights a basic disadvantage that conservatives have had in contesting the political issues of the day.

He evoked his apparent favorite early Federalist, onetime Massachusetts congressman Fisher Ames, who railed against zealotry, paraphrasing him saying that progressives “treat politics like religion.”

Their holy mission is to use the coercive power of the state to remake man and society in their own image, according to an abstract ideal of perfection. Whatever means they use are therefore justified because, by definition, they are a virtuous people pursing a deific end. They are willing to use any means necessary to gain momentary advantage in achieving their end, regardless of collateral consequences and the systemic implications.

You would not be alone in shaking your head and wondering what alternate universe Barr is living in. After all, just hours before he delivered that speech the president’s close confidant Roger Stone was convicted for crimes associated with dirty tricks, smears and character assassination in service of Donald Trump, following many years of similar service to the Republican Party.

Barr seeks to make the conservative movement see Trump’s alleged victimization as a reflection of their own. They must see themselves as easy prey, hunted by the ruthless leftist “resistance,” which seems to include all members of the legislative branch, “disloyal” federal employees and any member of the judiciary who may have ruled against Trump’s policies.

The speech was frightening both in its arrogance and its lack of self-awareness. Right now, Barr is in the midst of an investigation into the “origins” of the Russia investigation during the 2016 campaign. He has strongly suggested he believes it was improper to investigate a Republican presidential campaign, and the fact that the DOJ and the intelligence community, which undertook that investigation, are themselves part of the executive branch he now venerates as a repository of unlimited power doesn’t seem to have occurred to him.

Barr’s speech has come under a lot of public criticism. But the members of the Federalist Society in attendance on Friday night gave his rousing call to arms a standing ovation. The supposedly brilliant legal minds of the conservative movement ecstatically applauded a demagogic, partisan speech by the most powerful law enforcement officer in the nation, setting forth the idea that America should be ruled by a succession of dictators who will keep the nation’s true enemies — the political terrorists of the left — in line.

If we’re lucky, Donald Trump will not be president much longer. But this is the Republican Party he will be leaving behind. Rather than being chagrined by this experience, they seem to be evolving into a new level of authoritarianism.

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