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Month: October 2020

Freeeeeedom!

Protesters Swarm Michigan Capitol Amid Showdown Over Governor's Emergency  Powers : Coronavirus Live Updates : NPR

This piece by Michael Tomasky in the NY Times addresses an issue I’ve been thinking a lot about, for a long time: why does your “freedom” to kill supercede mine not to be killed? I’ve always thought about it in terms of gun rights until now, but it applies to the pandemic. (I confess, it didn’t occur to me that people would be so nihilistic they would think it’s ok to spread a deadly disease around because they don’t like wearing a mask… now we know.)

Anyway, I agree with Tomasky that liberals need to take back the concept of freedom — mainly because they’re killing us with theirs:

Donald Trump is now back on the road, holding rallies in battleground states. These events, with people behind the president wearing masks but most others not, look awfully irresponsible to most of us — some polls show that as many as 92 percent of Americans typically wear masks when they go out.

Trumpworld sees these things differently. Mike Pence articulated the view in the vice-presidential debate. “We’re about freedom and respecting the freedom of the American people,” Mr. Pence said. The topic at hand was the Sept. 26 super-spreader event in the Rose Garden to introduce Amy Coney Barrett as the president’s nominee for the Supreme Court and how the administration can expect Americans to follow safety guidelines that it has often ignored.

Kamala Harris countered that lying to the American people about the severity of the virus hardly counts as “respect.”

It was a pretty good riposte, but she fixed on the wrong word. She could have delivered a far more devastating response if she’d focused on the right word, one that the Democrats have not employed over the past several months.

The word I mean is “freedom.” One of the key authors of the Western concept of freedom is John Stuart Mill. In “On Liberty,” he wrote that liberty (or freedom) means “doing as we like, subject to such consequences as may follow, without impediment from our fellow creatures, as long as what we do does not harm them even though they should think our conduct foolish, perverse or wrong.”

Note the clause “as long as what we do does not harm them.” He tossed that in there almost as a given — indeed, it is a given. This is a standard definition of freedom, more colloquially expressed in the adage “Your freedom to do as you please with your fist ends where my jaw begins.”

Now, conservatives revere Mill. But today, in the age of the pandemic, Mill and other conservative heroes like John Locke would be aghast at the way the American right wing bandies about the word “freedom.”

Freedom emphatically does not include the freedom to get someone else sick. It does not include the freedom to refuse to wear a mask in the grocery store, sneeze on someone in the produce section and give him the virus. That’s not freedom for the person who is sneezed upon. For that person, the first person’s “freedom” means chains — potential illness and even perhaps a death sentence. No society can function on that definition of freedom.

Joe Biden does a pretty good job of talking about this. At a recent town hall in Miami, he said: “I view wearing this mask not so much protecting me, but as a patriotic responsibility. All the tough guys say, ‘Oh, I’m not wearing a mask, I’m not afraid.’ Well, be afraid for your husband, your wife, your son, your daughter, your neighbor, your co-worker. That’s who you’re protecting having this mask on, and it should be viewed as a patriotic duty, to protect those around you.”

That’s good, but it could be much better if he directly rebutted this insane definition of freedom that today’s right wing employs.

There are certain words in our political lexicon that “belong” to this side or the other. “Fairness” is a liberal word. You rarely hear conservatives talking about fairness. “Growth” is mostly a conservative word, sometimes the functional opposite of fairness in popular economic discourse, although liberals use it too, but often with a qualifier (“balanced” or “equitable” growth, for example).

“Freedom” belongs almost wholly to the right. They talk about it incessantly and insist on a link between economic freedom and political freedom, positing that the latter is impossible without the former. This was an animating principle of conservative economists in the 20th century like Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman.

It’s manifest silliness. To be sure, when they were writing, it was true of a place like the Soviet Union. But it is not true of Western democracies. If they were correct, the Scandinavian nations, statist on economic questions, would have jails filled with political prisoners. If they were correct, advanced democratic countries that elected left-leaning governments would experience a simultaneous crushing of political freedom. History shows little to no incidence of this.

And yet, the broad left in America has let all this go unchallenged for decades, to the point that today’s right wing — and it is important to call it that and not conservative, which it is not — can defend spreading disease, potentially killing other people, as freedom. It is madness.

One thing Democrats in general aren’t very good at is defending their positions on the level of philosophical principle. This has happened because they’ve been on the philosophical defensive since Ronald Reagan came along. Well, it’s high time they played some philosophical offense, especially on an issue, wearing masks, on which every poll shows broad majorities supporting their view.

Say this: Freedom means the freedom not to get infected by the idiot who refuses to mask up. Even John Stuart Mill would have agreed.

By any and all means necessary

Via Nieman Reports: Milwaukee resident Jennifer Taff holds a sign as she waits in line to vote at Washington High School in Milwaukee on April 7, 2020. (Photo by Patricia McKnight/Milwaukee Journal Sentinel)

President George W. Bush once threw everything but the kitchen sink at Saddam Hussein in making his case for invading Iraq. Bad-faith arguments based on questionable intelligence are as disposable as a conspiracy theorist’s factoids. Knock down one and they’ll discard it and pull another off the stack. It’s a quantity-over-quality strategy for winning a war of attrition.

Similarly, what over the last several years became the Party of Trump has attacked small-R republicanism from almost too many angles to count. Republicans are committed to an all-of-the-above strategy for remaining in power and will of the people be damned.

The press and voters have been slow to grasp the breath of efforts by the increasingly reactionary Republican Party to secure minority rule against demographic shifts disfavoring it.

What Trump the First has taught domestic enemies of popular democracy is that tying up opponents in endless litigation is often good enough. Stalemates may not be as good as a win, but they will do in a pinch.

And so the acting president takes his battle to exclude undocumented aliens from the 2020 census to the U.S. Supreme Court (Washington Post):

The unprecedented proposal could have the effect of shifting both political power and billions of dollars in federal funds away from urban states with large immigrant populations and toward rural and more Republican interests.

three-judge panel in New York said Trump’s July 21 memorandum on the matter was “an unlawful exercise of the authority granted to” him by Congress. It blocked the Commerce Department and the Census Bureau from including information about the number of undocumented immigrants — it is unclear how those numbers would be generated — in their reports to the president after this year’s census is completed.

The justices put the case on a fast track and said they will hold a hearing Nov. 30. By then, it probably will be a nine-member court again, if Judge Amy Coney Barrett is confirmed, giving the court a 6-to-3 conservative majority. The administration says timing matters, because it must present the plan to Congress in January.

It is unclear whether the matter would divide the court along ideological lines, but the issue is another mark of how the once­a-decade census has been transformed from a largely bureaucratic exercise into the centerpiece of a partisan battle.

Honestly, the list of tactics Republican Party flag-wavers deploy to ensure our system is not democratic is so long that even the Brennan Center and the ACLU have trouble accounting for them all:

  • Limiting who counts as a person for census purposes
  • Gerrymandering targeting “African Americans with almost surgical precision
  • Photo/voter ID laws
  • Restrictions on acceptable IDs
  • Onerous document requirements for voter registration
  • Street address requirements for registering in communities lacking street addresses
  • Limiting days/times/locations for voter registration services
  • Restrictions on ex-felon registration
  • Restrictions on voter registration drives
  • Violating the “Motor Voter” law by state DMVs
  • Restrictions on early voting times
  • Siting early voting locations remote to minority neighborhoods
  • Restrictions on absentee voting
  • Restrictions on absentee ballot drop boxes
  • Voter roll purges
  • Closing polling places
  • Limiting voting machines in minority precincts
  • Voter intimidation tactics at the polls
  • Disenfranchisement by typo
  • Decades-long effort to undermine confidence in the election process itself

There are probably more. They are very creative that way.

Update: Added “Closing polling places.”

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“We don’t get there on our own…”

Encountering the curious, true tale of a southern town lynching a circus elephant so caught David Castro‘s imagination that the TV writer turned the bizarre episode into a one-man play, “Man’s Dominion.” From there, Castro turned his story-telling skills to other creative projects. Current events inspired a collaborative music video created with former student, singer-songwriter Tyson Kelly.

“In a time of such hyper-partisanship, which in its worst form is simply ignorance and fear-based hate, Tyson and I wanted to bring people together,” Castro explained. “And along with food, nothing brings people together more than music.”

Food. Music. Technology. All are built on the creativity and inventions of those who came before us.

“Shoulders of Giants” remembers them. I met Castro about the time he first came upon the 1916 account of the elephant lynching in Erwin, Tennessee. I asked for some background on “Giants.” (Lightly edited.)

TS: What (about these times) inspired you to launch this project?

Castro: I’d been working on a project – “On the Shoulders of Giants” – about the Black contribution and even creation of every major form of 20th century American popular music – from ragtime and the blues through jazz, R&B and culminating in the birth of rock and roll – all represented in the life of one man, Jesse Stone (aka Charles Calhoun), known as the man who wrote “Shake, Rattle and Roll,” considered to be one of the earliest songs to be considered rock and roll.

Jesse Stone’s life was the 20th century in music – 1901-1999 – and he, possibly/probably alone among all the other members of the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame – was a major player and practitioner in ALL those musical genres. He started out in a family minstrel show, taught to read, write and play music by his grandmother who’d been a slave, and then moved seamlessly into the blues, jazz, R&B and rock and roll.

This is a man who worked with everybody – Duke Ellington, Ray Charles, Ruth Brown and Big Joe Turner – and countless other Giants – but it was the family aspect of his life and career that made me think of the Newton quote that I know is known and used in Black America – that none of us would be here if not for the sacrifices and love of those that came before – that all of us are standing on the shoulders of giants. Even a superhero movie like “Black Panther” is all about “the ancestors” – that we’re here because of their lives, lessons and guidance.

And those first shoulders for Jesse Stone belonged to family and then to the various circles of friends and inspirations that make up the Venn diagram of his and all of our lives.

T.S.: How do you know all these great artists here and abroad (or was that Tyson)?

Castro: So I write the lyrics and Tyson writes the music and does the vocals and we had this song, this title song, that we felt was simply the right message for right now – that we are connected to everyone and everything that came before – and that is the commonality we share as people. And Tyson, a working musician in his own right – a singer songwriter I’d met when he was my high school student back in the aughts – and was a veteran of the LA music scene before moving the London where for the past few years he’s been John Lennon in the Bootleg Beatles, the world’s first and greatest Beatles Tribute bands.

So the video – I’d seen some short films Tyson had made as a HS student – and saw the eye and ear of an artist – and the word went out. People he knew in the UK and Europe, people he and I knew here in the LA area and Canada – and Tyson was the creative director, breaking down the entire song for the singers, musicians and dancers – handing out their parts and then getting them all to record themselves on their iPhones.

And then the hard work of editing and putting all those disparate folks into a creative whole.

Everyone volunteered their time and talents, Castro added.

I prodded him to recount a story he once told about growing up in the Bronx, and the sense of heritage that melting pot community gave him.

Castro: I grew up in lower-middle class/working class diversity in the Bronx and I’ve often joked that I grew up among the 5 major food groups of NYC at the time – Irish, Italians, Jews, Blacks and Puerto Ricans. And it was an education. By the age of 10-12 I’d eaten at everyone’s house, stayed over, went to their churches and synagogues for confirmations and bar mitzvahs, weddings and funerals, listened to their music and saw with my own eyes, as my first generation American mother said, “Don’t let anyone ever tell you that so-and-so’s parents don’t work as hard as anyone else. EVERYBODY HERE WORKS HARD.”

What’s more, David said once, although the foods and religious iconography changed from house to house, growing up none of that was threatening. They were just your friends’ parents.

T.S.: What do you hope people take away from the song/video?

Castro: We’d like people to see the video and hear the song and think about the giants in their lives – and how those giants aren’t viewed through the prism of race or religion – but are seen for the impact their humanity (talents, values, virtues, et al) – had on them.

Perhaps there is a movie musical in his future.

Rebecca Solnit recently condemned the notion that every man is an island, every success her own, every failure a personal one. Solnit wrote, “The contemporary right has one central principle: nothing is really connected to anything else, so no one has any responsibility for anything else …” Insisting otherwise is somehow “an infringement on freedom.”

And here we are, tens of thousands of Americans buried, needlessly, from a deadly pandemic, in part because in the name of freedom people raised on rugged individualism reject fighting it together. They refuse to wear masks either to safeguard their families, their neighbors, or themselves. President George W. Bush (and conservative think tanks) sought, critics said, to build a “you’re on your ownership society.” Over 8 million Americans infected with COVID-19 and nearly 220,000 dead is the endgame of denying our interdependence.

The 1978 BBC series Connections considered how odd bits of history, science, discovery and serendipity built upon one another over hundreds of years to produce the modern world. Chris Higgins wrote about it at Mental Floss in 2008:

Connections was hosted by James Burke, whose dry humor pervades each episode. The fifth episode, for example, starts with a fullscreen view of a punchcard. Burke narrates: “What you’re looking at is a bit of paper with holes in it. How’s that for a spectacular way to start a program? But this may be the most important bit of paper with holes in it since the hole was invented.” Burke goes on to explain — via a discussion of astronomy, calendaring, clockwork, Sheffield steel cutlery, sea navigation, mechanized manufacturing, guns, John Kenneth Galbraith, and much more — how computers came to be.

Before Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak, before Bill Gates and Paul Allen came the punchcard. From music to computers, nobody starts from scratch.

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Friday Night Soother

Ok, this is not so soothing, but it has a happy ending. And the human shows appropriate respect for the cat, which I approve of:

Impeachment Was Hell — And it Was Worth It

The presidential impeachment inquiry: Harvard Law constitutional scholars  weigh in - Harvard Law Today

Amanda Marcotte makes a great point today.

Just to remind everyone, Donald Trump was impeached last year. It did not go that well.

First, the Senate failed to remove this monstrously corrupt and incompetent man from office. Then in rapid succession, Trump nearly started a shooting war in the Middle East, he presided over the most spectacular public health debacle in 100 years (210,000 Americans dead and counting), and then Trump deliberately took a match to the powder keg of American racism by doubling down on his open embrace of white supremacists and paranoid lunatics like himself. In response, instead of impeaching him again (more than called for), Congress failed to act.

Impeachment was sheer hell. The Republicans behaved shamefully, sliming anyone and everyone who brought Trump’s crimes to light. A lot of people, including close friends of mine who are professional journalists at the top of their profession, thought impeachment wasn’t worth it and would backfire or, at the very least, do nothing.

But Marcotte is right. It didn’t do as much as it should have — there is still a walking, tweeting existential threat in the White House, his tiny hands clutching the nuclear trigger — but it did do something important:

Trump got outed for his involvement in [the Russian disinformation campaign to slime Joe Biden] by a whistleblower who was, rightfully, concerned when he heard Trump blackmailing the Ukranian president into getting involved in the plot, and the impeachment trial followed. Impeachment derailed the scheme by refocusing press attention away from the smears against Biden and towards the real story, which is Trump’s corruption. It was a clarifying moment, one that showed the extent of Trump’s malicious intentions and exposed the workings of the machinery that exists to inject specious right wing narratives into the mainstream press.

Now every journalist knows that trying to make hay out of this latest stunt only makes you look like a stooge of Trump and Russian intelligence, and so they’re staying away. The only outlet that would touch it was the New York Post. Even social media corporations, which have a terrible track record of letting Russian disinformation ops run rampant on their platforms, have gone to great lengths to push back against its spread.

There’s a moral here for Democrats: It’s worth it to fight back hard, even if there’s no immediate payoff.

A lot of folks wonder if impeachment was worth the time and energy because, in the end, the corrupt Republicans who controlled the Senate refused to remove Trump, despite his obvious guilt. But the long-term effects of impeachment have been largely positive for Democrats. Impeachment made it toxic for even the most shameless mainstream journalists to pretend there is any legitimacy to Trump’s lies. It made it so that, in these final weeks before the election, the focus is where it belongs: On Trump’s corruption and failures, not on some made-up nonsense about his opponent. 

There are a lot of difficult fights ahead for Democrats, starting with the fight to keep Amy Coney Barrett off the Supreme Court, but also future ones like the fight to save the economy if Biden is elected and the fight to rebalance the courts after years of Republican court-packing. Some of those fights will be hard, if not impossible, to win. But, as impeachment shows, it’s worth having the fight anyway, because it often pays off in the long run. Just look at the current headlines at the New York Times. 

Town Hall takeaways

It's Biden's to lose (and he still could): State of the race after the  conventions

Last night’s Town Hall was not great for Trump in many ways. Biden even appears to have won the ratings race:

Joe Biden’s town hall on ABC averaged 13.9 million viewers on Thursday night, easily surpassing the Nielsen ratings for President Trump’s town hall on NBC. That alone was a result virtually no one in the TV business expected. And that’s not even the most surprising part.

The Trump town hall was simulcast by two of NBC’s cable channels, MSNBC and CNBC, but even when those channels are included in the total, Biden — on only one network — still prevailed.

The Trump town hall averaged 10.6 million viewers on the NBC broadcast network. On MSNBC, Trump reached 1.74 million viewers, and on CNBC, about 671,000 viewers. So Trump’s gross audience across the three channels was 13 million, about one million fewer than Biden’s audience on ABC alone.

Last night’s Town Hall meeting in Miami with Donald Trump did clear up some questions in advance of the election.

We know now that he is lying about getting tested before the first debate as required and that it’s just random chance that he didn’t give the virus to Joe Biden. He almost certainly was infectious at the time.

We also know that he does owe over 400 million dollars to unknown entities which he will not name and that he did pay only $750.00 in income tax.

And, he is just fine with Q Anon with which he is obviously familiar despite his protestations to the contrary, along with other completely daft conspiracy theories.

Biden on the other hand showed that he understands what politics is and can speak about policy in detail. You know, like a normal leader.

A couple of highlights — boring policy as a calming balm:

It’s hard to believe Trump could have a chance — but he does.

The narrow path is getting narrower

Jonathan Swan at Axios reports on the latest thinking from within the Trump bubble:

Three senior Trump advisers who recently talked to campaign manager Bill Stepien walked away believing he thinks they will lose.

The Trump campaign is filled with internal blaming and pre-spinning of a potential loss, accelerating a dire mood that’s driven by a daily barrage of bleak headlines, campaign and White House officials tell me.

“A lot of this is the president himself,” one adviser said. “You can’t heal a patient who doesn’t want to take the diagnosis.”

In weekly pep talks, Stepien tells staff members why they shouldn’t pay attention to the perennially horrible public polls — and how they can “win the week” and the campaign.

But in other private conversations, described by multiple sources, Stepien can seem darkly pessimistic. He likens the campaign to an airplane flying through turbulence, saying: “It’s our job to safely land the plane.”

Three sources who have heard Stepien use variations of the airplane analogy say they sensed he was deeply, perhaps irretrievably pessimistic about the state of the race.

“It’s not a great feeling when you get the sense the campaign manager doesn’t deep down think we’re going to win,” one campaign source said.

Stepien pushed back strongly on that, telling me on Friday morning: “With each day closer to November 3, our campaign data presents a clear pathway to 270 for the President that provides me more confidence than ever in President Trump’s re-election.”

“Our campaign knows how President Trump was elected in 2016 and more importantly, we know exactly how he’s going to do it again,” Stepien added.

Trump can still win. But make no mistake: Even his most loyal supporters, including those paid to believe, keep telling us he’s toast — and could bring Republican control of the Senate down with him.

Stepien’s critics say he is in CYA mode, refusing to make tough decisions that might incur Trump’s wrath while setting up excuses for what polls suggest could be a shellacking by Joe Biden.

But Stepien’s defenders tell me the campaign sees several remaining paths to victory, and note that it’s hardly his fault when the president insists on actions like taking a joyride with the Secret Service while infected by COVID-19.

They added that it’s also hardly Stepien’s fault that Trump continues to attack his public health officials and present views that are out of step with public opinion — such as his denigration of the basic safety act of wearing a mask.

He’s also dealing with a money shortage, driven by heavy early spending by his predecessor, Brad Parscale, who was demoted this summer.

Several campaign officials say they don’t have a clear sense what Stepien’s strategy is to get to 270 electoral votes.

In internal conversations, Stepien and other senior officials often use the word “optionality” to describe the decision to keep dabbling in every Rust Belt battleground and preserve multiple paths to 270.

Critics hear “optionality” as a cover for indecision, keeping small pots of money spread across numerous states rather than picking a path and committing to it.

One campaign adviser pointed to a “half-assed” advertising buy in Wisconsin this week, around $130,000 according to Advertising Analytics data, which two campaign sources said seemed pointless given it’s too small to move the needle.

Ditto the decision to stay on the air in Minnesota, a state that no one I spoke to sees as part of Trump’s path to 270.

But Stepien’s dilemma, as described by several advisers, is that Trump would inevitably blow up at him if he were to read newspaper stories that he was going off the air in a Rust Belt battleground.

Defending Stepien, two senior officials said he was staying on air in Wisconsin and Minnesota because their data are still showing them these states could turn in Trump’s favor.

“The notion will be, probably at some point in the next week we’ll be making some decisions on where we place our bets and how we do it,” one of the senior officials said.

“But the cool thing about the president is he’s going to be everywhere in the last two weeks” — and family members like Don Junior and Ivanka are “also going to be everywhere.”

In reporting out this story, Axios learned that Stepien has described to some colleagues that he sees at least three pathways to 270 electoral votes.

Stepien tells them the “easy part” is winning Ohio, Florida, Georgia, Iowa and Maine’s second congressional district. From there, the first pathway, and the one he views as most likely, is for Trump to win Arizona, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania.

His second pathway would be for Trump to win Arizona, North Carolina and Michigan.

And pathway three — the one Stepien views as least likely of the options — does not include Arizona but involves Trump winning North Carolina, Michigan and Nevada.

Those states are where Trump will be spending the vast bulk of his time between now and Nov. 3, and where the Trump campaign is spending most of its money.

The states in none of Stepien’s three scenarios: Wisconsin or Minnesota.

Senior officials’ defense of continuing to spend money in Wisconsin and Minnesota is that staying on air with small buys in these states preserves their options, recognizing that, as in 2016, votes can move quickly in the final days.

Over the past two weeks, Jared Kushner has been casting about outside of the campaign for fresh ideas on tactics, strategy and messaging. A senior campaign source said he always does this, and that nothing should be read into it beyond him gathering the best information and trying to bring everyone together.

During the past week, Trump asked at least one confidant whether they think he needs to make any changes on his campaign.

But nobody I’ve spoken to seriously thinks any major personnel changes will be made at this late stage in the race.

 “In terms of really changing the trajectory of the race,” said one campaign source, “there’s only one person, from either side, who can do that. And that’s Trump.”

You may want to read this analysis from 538 by Perry Bacon. He writes that Democrats don’t need Georgia, Iowa, Ohio or Texas — but they very well might do it. There is no path to a Trump victory that accounts for that.

Biden doesn’t need to carry these states — he can win a comfortable Electoral College victory without carrying them. Trump does need them, however — but he also needs bluer states like Florida, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin to win reelection. Similarly, Democrats can win a Senate majority without carrying any of the four Senate seats up for grabs in these states (none in Ohio but two in Georgia).

But these states are still important. Winning the Senate races there would likely mean that Democrats have 53 or 54 seats overall, giving them room for defections on key votes. A strong performance from Biden in Texas, meanwhile, could help down-ballot Democrats there, as the party could flip several U.S. House seats and the Texas House of Representatives. Symbolically, winning Georgia and particularly Texas would suggest that Democrats have really arrived in the South after years of talk about their potential strength in that region. And winning Iowa and particularly Ohio would suggest that Democrats’ decline in the Midwest have been overstated.

There’s a more detailed rundown at the link.

These are longshots, of course. This country is still full of Republicans and their state election machinery is run by Republicans. They cheat so it’s probably a good idea to keep expectations in check.

Still, if the polling is correct, it appears that Democrats have a fighting chance and that is something…

Vichy Ben Sasse is a high level Trump collaborator

It was inevitable that many Republican officials would abandon Donald Trump once it became obvious that he might lose. Rats can always be expected to desert a sinking ship, of course, but establishment Republicans have a longstanding habit of unswerving loyalty to their leaders when they are in power and then rejecting them the minute they lose popularity, often while complaining that they failed because they weren’t conservative enough.

Recall that at the end of the George W. Bush administration, as the Iraq war wore on and the economy faltered, the president’s approval rating dropped to the high 20s. It was quite a comedown for a president who had once ridden high at 90% in the wake of 9/11 and was heralded as the reincarnation of Winston Churchill by many in the news media. Today he is something of a GOP cipher and his father, a one-termer, even more so.

Ronald Reagan, of course, was a revered conservative figure for many years, but that was mostly the result of a group of so-called “Reagan Revolutionaries” led by anti-tax advocate Grover Norquist who were disturbed by Reagan’s low ratings after his term was up and made a concerted effort to turn it around with initiatives such as the “Reagan Legacy Project” which set out to put a Ronald Reagan memorial in every county in the United States.

But for the most part, the reason Republicans are quick to abandon their presidents is because they most often leave office in ignominy and failure. Think about it: HooverNixonFordBush and Bush. Really, in the last century all they have as political heroes are Eisenhower and Reagan, and the latter took a full-blown campaign to turn him into an icon. And needless to say, despite his belief that he belongs on Mt. Rushmore, I think we know which group President Trump will be joining. In fact, he is in a class all of his own.

Nonetheless, while a president is in office, Republicans are almost always in lockstep. The level of fealty GOP officials have given to Trump goes beyond even the usual conservative team loyalty, however. There’s been a lot of ink spilled trying to analyze why that is with most observers concluding that elected Republicans are afraid of their own voters who have a cult-like devotion to Trump. And there’s truth to that. Trump’s hold on his base is very strong.

So, while it’s not surprising to see some Republicans start to break from Trump as his re-election chances appear iffy at best, it’s more difficult than usual. There are always a few races in which the candidate will need to assert their “independence” in order to win and the party generally gives them the go-ahead to do what they need to do. But Trump supporters see the slightest criticism as an act of betrayal.

Watching some of the more desperate among them like Arizona Senator Martha McSally try to walk that fine line is almost painful to watch.

Up until now, McSally has been a very eager Trump acolyte. There is little reason for anyone to doubt her loyalty to the president. And that’s her problem.

But there is another dynamic that’s starting to emerge among certain ambitious Republicans and I suspect it will be a stampede before too long. The first one out of the gate is Nebraska Senator Ben Sasse, who “accidentally” had a conversation with constituents leak on Thursday to The Washington Examiner in which he had nothing good to say about the president he’s supported in every material way for the past four years. Sasse said Trump treated the pandemic like “a public relations crisis instead of a public health challenge” and complained about his foreign policy and other issues:

“The way he kisses dictators’ butts. I mean, the way he ignores the Uighurs, our literal concentration camps in Xinjiang. Right now, he hasn’t lifted a finger on behalf of the Hong-Kongers,” he said. “The United States now regularly sells out our allies under his leadership, the way he treats women, spends like a drunken sailor. The ways I criticize President Obama for that kind of spending; I’ve criticized President Trump for as well. He mocks evangelicals behind closed doors. His family has treated the presidency like a business opportunity. He’s flirted with white supremacists.”

He’s not wrong about any of it. But keep in mind that on the same day he was trashing Trump on a call he almost certainly planned to leak to the press, Sasse was also extolling the virtues of Judge Amy Coney Barrett in her Supreme Court confirmation hearings, which are only taking place because the Republican Party has become a radical faction that will do anything to maintain its power.

Sasse is very likely running for president in 2024 and he’s going to try to sell the idea that he was never on the Trump train so there’s no reason to blame him for anything that went wrong during Trump’s term. And it would appear that some in the media will help him do that. The New York Times calls Sasse’s enthusiastic embrace of radical power plays in contrast with his stated distaste of Trump a “trade-off.” It is not. It’s called rank opportunism and he is not going to be the only Republican running from his own corrupt bargain.

CNN’s Wolf Blitzer played the audio of that conversation on his show on Thursday and the venerable journalist Bob Woodward opined, “He got caught telling the truth. I know there are other Republican senators who feel exactly the same way. and they have not yet been caught. And more catastrophically, they won’t share with the public the private conclusion.”

Oh, I suspect we’ll be hearing a lot of them sharing that “private conclusion” with the public if Trump loses. Sasse is just getting out in front. And it is much too late.

Throughout his term Republicans have backed him for their own purposes, fed his paranoia and obsessive revenge fantasies, and allowed the destruction of the rule of law and our democratic processes to go unchecked. Less than one year ago they had the opportunity to remove this unfit president and they refused. They knew what he was and they protected him anyway.

It’s not about the tweets or the nasty insults; it’s about the assault on democracy, the horrific abuse of power and the monumental corruption. They had the power to stop it and they didn’t. In fact, they enthusiastically used it to their advantage to stack the courts with right wing extremists, deregulate everything in sight and lower taxes on the wealthy.

They must never be allowed to forget that they were eager collaborators in the most corrupt, incompetent and dangerous administration in American history. This was a momentous crucible in our democracy and they all failed, every last one of them.

My Salon column