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Month: October 2021

Dispatches from the asylum

He’s running. And his people know it:

Another corrupt fascist goes down

We don’t hold our right wing leaders accountable for breaking the law here in America because it might make someone mad. But it’s good to see that other countries still have some standards:

Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz resigned Saturday evening after becoming embroiled in a corruption scandal.

He said he will hand over the chancellery to Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg.

Austrian authorities raided Kurz’s offices and party headquarters in Vienna on Wednesday amid suspicion that he and his inner circle conspired to embezzle public funds to bribe pollsters and prominent media figures in return for favorable coverage. 

The raids marked a significant escalation of prosecutors’ corruption probe into Kurz, who already faces possible indictment in a separate case involving perjury allegations related to sworn testimony he gave before a parliamentary inquiry last year.   

This guy is one of the worst of the far-right European leaders. Young, good looking and a total fascist. Apparently, he couldn’t keep his hands out of the till and foolishly lied under oath.

Update — Oh look, another anti-immigrant, “populist” billionaire is ousted over corruption. Turned out he was stealing hand over fist too even as he promised to “drain the swamp.”

In a shock result, billionaire Andrej Babis’ party has narrowly lost the Czech Republic’s parliamentary election days after the populist leader had to contend with revelations from the Pandora Papers, the biggest offshore data leak in history.

Babis’ centrist party ANO (Czech for “Yes”) was defeated by a center-right opposition group. Voting in the tight race began days after Babis faced investigations and public questioning over Pandora Papers reporting that he used offshore companies to buy a luxury French Riviera estate.

The prime minister, whose turbulent term was marked by criticism of his handling of the coronavirus pandemic and claims that he had tended to his own business interests, sought to discredit the revelations as part of a domestic political smear campaign.

Another small piece of the coup plot

Trump had a number of coup balls in the air in those final days. This, from Josh Kovensky at TPM as laid out in the Judiciary Committee interim report, was just a piece of it. Trump should be held accountable for this outrageous behavior but it doesn’t appear that he will be:

It was getting late in the day on Sunday, Jan. 3 in the Oval Office.

Trump was arguing with top Justice Department officials over whether to fire the attorney general in a bid to overturn the results of the 2020 election.

The conversation was interrupted, however: Trump wanted to make a call.

“Get Bobby Christine on the phone,” Trump thundered to an administrative assistant.

The move bewildered Richard Donoghue, the deputy attorney general.

“I didn’t understand where he was going with this,” Donoghue recalled in testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Less than two hours after the Sunday meeting concluded, Donoghue would be on the phone with U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Georgia, BJay Pak, telling him that he needed to resign immediately, and to do so quietly.

Bobby Christine, the U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Georgia, would be replacing Pak.

Pak’s forced resignation came days before the Georgia special Senate elections, and after weeks in which Trump had pushed state officials to accept bogus claims as fact and award the state’s electoral votes to him. That culminated in a Saturday, Jan. 2 call with Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, during which Trump demanded that officials “find” the votes for him to win.

But the drama of Pak’s ouster and the effort to enlist the Justice Department in the election subversion played out over four crucial days in early January – from Saturday, Jan. 2 to Tuesday, Jan. 5. It was an extraordinary few days that saw Trump nearly hollow out the entire Justice Department by firing the attorney general and replace him with someone willing to fight to overturn Biden’s win.

In the end, this story shows, it was only Pak who was forced to leave. Senate investigators confirmed that Pak was forced to resign because Trump ordered it out of a belief that the prosecutor was a “never-Trumper,” while the report reveals new details about the manner in which Pak’s out-of-order replacement, Bobby Christine, was appointed.

This account of Pak’s ouster and replacement by Christine is based on materials collected by the Senate Judiciary Committee in its probe of former President Trump’s attempts to enlist the DOJ in his attempts to overturn the 2020 election.

On Saturday, Jan. 2, Trump gave Raffensperger a call.

He gave the Georgia official a clear sense of what he wanted, but also betrayed one locus of his grievances: “your never-Trumper U.S. attorney.”

Trump was referring to Pak who, since early December, had received repeated calls from DOJ higher-ups to investigate repeated claims of voter fraud in the Atlanta area.

The former President in particular had focused in on an allegation of what he described on the call as “devastating” voter fraud at Atlanta’s State Farm Arena. A video circulating online appeared to show election workers bringing in suitcases of ballots after Republican observers had departed. The workers, right-wing conspiracists surmised, took votes by the handful out of the stuffed suitcases and crammed them into the tabulating machines, thereby assuring Biden’s win.

A few weeks earlier, then-Attorney General Bill Barr had ordered Pak to investigate the claim. He had personally reviewed the video and, he told the Committee, spurred his staff to probe the allegation. It was bogus, and Pak reported it as such.

But by Sunday, Jan. 3, nearly a month later, Trump was still fixated.

In the Oval Office meeting, Donoghue and Acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen recalled, someone brought up that voter fraud allegations in Atlanta had been debunked. Why, then, did Trump want to replace his attorney general?

Trump missed the point.

“Atlanta, Atlanta, no surprise there,” Trump fumed. “They didn’t find anything. No surprise because we have a never-Trumper there as U.S. Attorney.”

The allegation had turned into an obsession for Trump, who, despite being told multiple times that it was untrue, continued to claim that there was clear evidence of fraud.

“The President did not want to believe what I reported up,” Pak remarked to the Committee.

At the Sunday meeting, Trump became impossible to unstick from the topic of Atlanta and BJay Pak.

“How did this guy get in my administration?” Trump wondered to the crowd, which included White House counsel Pat Cipollone and Chief of Staff Mark Meadows. “He never should have been here in the first place.”

Trump went on to read from what he claimed was a quote from Pak, saying that Trump’s rhetoric would damage the Republican Party with minorities.

Donoghue, with his mind set on reining Trump in, replied “Mr. President, I don’t even know what that is.”

“All your U.S. Attorney’s were vetted,” he added. “So whatever BJay is, I don’t think he’s a never-Trumper, whatever that is.”

But Trump wasn’t satisfied. He demanded to fire Pak, before quickly changing tack: “What do you know about Bobby Christine?” he asked Donoghue. “I hear great things about him.”

Donoghue replied that Christine was a great prosecutor, but didn’t understand: Christine was already U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Georgia – a full-time job, and one that Christine, a former military officer, understood was outside the chain of command of Pak’s office.

“I want Bobby Christine to run the Northern District of Georgia,” Trump announced.

Donoghue replied incredulously: “BJay Pak has a first assistant who will step in when BJay leaves.”

But Trump was set. “Bobby,” Trump said “should run this,” Donoghue recalled. “If he’s good, he’ll find out if there’s something there.”

From there, Donoghue and the rest watched as Trump called Christine on speaker phone in front of the entire group, while sitting at the Resolute desk.

“Bobby, it’s President Trump,” he said. “I’m sitting here with Jeff [Clark] and Rich [Donoghue] and other people, and BJay Pak is leaving Northern District.”

“Would you be willing to run the Northern District for the next few weeks?” Trump asked.

Christine, who seemed confused and surprised to those listening, replied: “Mr. President, I’ll do whatever is needed.”

Trump was satisfied with that answer: “great, Rich will give you a call later and explain everything.”

It’s still not clear how Trump came to believe Christine was the man for the job.

But it fell to Donoghue to break the news to BJay.

Pak, like the rest of the country’s U.S. attorneys, was already planning his exit. He served at the will of the President and Trump’s term was ending in a little more than two weeks. He was toying with the idea of sending his resignation letter out on Wednesday, Jan. 6 – to take effect on Inauguration Day.

But Pak looked at his phone late on Sunday, and saw multiple missed calls from Donoghue, then in charge of running the DOJ’s day-to-day operations. He called him back.

Leaving on Inauguration Day won’t do, Donoghue told Pak. He had to make a resignation announcement, it had to be soon, and it had to take effect immediately. Trump no longer wanted him around.

Pak, thinking of how his office would react, asked Donoghue if Kurt Erskine, the first assistant U.S. Attorney, would take over in his stead.

No, Donoghue replied. It would go to Bobby Christine. Donoghue told Pak that Valentine seemed confused after Trump informed him of the move in a quick phone call from the Oval Office.

Donoghue tried to soften the blow with a sweetener: Did Pak want another senior role in the DOJ?

“I told him, Rich, thanks but no thanks, I’m done,” Pak recalled. Donoghue replied that Pak could do whatever he wanted in announcing his departure.

“You could have a press conference, you could, you know, make a big fuss or submit — just do it quietly,” Pak recalled Donoghue saying. “He suggested that it would be best for everybody if you did it quietly.”

That night, Pak didn’t decide. He told Donoghue he’d think about it, and hung up.

Pak left home early the morning of Monday, Jan. 4 for his office in downtown Atlanta.

He called Donoghue on the way, and asked why he was being forced to resign.

Trump believed him to be a never-Trumper, Donoghue said. The President was unhappy with what was or was not being done, and that was that.

Pak said that he would go out without a fuss, and would resign “blandly,” in part to minimize the impact on the Georgia special Senate elections.

That morning, Pak’s resignation letter went out to his office. It eventually found its way into the hands of TPM, which broke the news on Monday that Pak would be departing immediately.

Pak sent another letter to all the U.S. Attorneys around the country, conveying his “wish and hope that at least some of you will consider continuing to serve our country — our nation needs patriots like you to uphold the rule of law.”

Pak remained worried about the reaction of his staff, who he thought would greet Christine with suspicion.

“I think the unorthodox nature probably hindered him from, you know, having credibility with the office immediately,” Pak said. “It adds a lot of questions.”

Christine brought his own prosecutors with him to Atlanta, Pak said. That, Pak observed, “did not sit well with the career prosecutors that are in the U.S. Attorney’s Office in the Northern District given the fact that my former office is about five times as large as the Southern District of Georgia.”

The move was announced to staff early in the morning of Tuesday, Jan 5.

Days later, the Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported, Christine had figured out what everyone else had long knew: “There’s just nothing to” the allegations, he told Atlanta office staff.

This stuff was happening all over the country. He called those state legislators in Michigan and invited them to the White House. One call to the Governor of Arizona was caught on video. He had his people all over Nevada. And we know that Pennsylvania was a major target.

Much of this was done in public. But not all of it. And the only thing that kept it from happening was that the people who would have had to pull the trigger — people like state legislators, election officials, politicians and others balked because it was so audacious and unprecedented. It won’t be unprecedented next time, will it? And the way they are going,

Mad Men weigh in

I hate to be too much of a backseat driver but I will admit that I have always hated the Biden slogan “Build Back Better.” It’s just clunky and I think it’s trying to do too much. “We want to build back America (make it great again?) but we want to do it better than they did it in the past!” It’s just … clunky. Even worse, although they’ve tried to attach the name to the big reconciliation bill it really hasn’t stuck. And as much as I don’t like it, it certainly would have been better than the gobbledygook that people are using to describe it.

Anyway, Politico talked to some ad men about this and I thought it was interesting:

Wherever you sit on the political spectrum, and whatever you think of the substantive merits of the multi-trillion dollar bill that Joe Biden has staked his presidency on, you will probably agree that the bill has been terribly named.

Point of comparison: Former President Donald Trump, who certainly knew how to market things, passed the simply named “Tax Cut and Jobs Act,” and Trump reportedly wanted to call it the even simpler “Cut Cut Cut Act.” Yet Biden’s signature bill is sometimes called “the reconciliation bill,” after the legislative procedure Democrats plan to use to pass it.

Perhaps worse, it is sometimes called “the social spending bill,” which reflects its high price tag. Biden himself probably calls it “the Build Back Better Act,” which, it’s fair to say, is a slogan that has not captured the American imagination.

The pundit class thinks the president and his party are floundering. (“President Biden’s agenda is in peril,” Ezra Klein wrote in the New York Times today.) Nightly is scrupulously nonpartisan, but we thought it would be interesting to see if commercial advertising gurus and marketing experts had any better ideas for the Democrats.

So we reached out to a group of experts to get their recommendations for how they would pitch the bill. You know, like Don Draper’s Kodak “Carousel,” but for politics. Here are their edited responses and pitches:

A REBATE

“While the bill itself is full of programs that benefit working class families around the country, the cultural conversation is completely focused on the bill’s price tag and the messages aren’t breaking through. That’s a massive branding fail.

“This bill is about children, schools and keeping our loved ones healthy and safe. All places where, as humans, we have massive reservoirs of emotion. We have memories that take us to places we can almost feel and touch. But for some reason, the language around this bill has gone the opposite direction. Terms like ‘investment,’ or ‘soft infrastructure,’ or ‘social safety net’ feel clinical, abstract and intangible. This is language meant for policy, not for people.

“To sell this plan, I’d immediately do two things. First, cease and desist any language that sounds like it belongs in a white paper, and replace it with something short, memorable and tangible. Make it real, make it simple and make it human. Over and over again. Consistently. Second, embrace the principle of ‘loss aversion.’ Simply put, people absolutely hate the sense that they’re losing out on something that they deserve. In this case, how about reframing the spending bill as a ‘rebate’ to the American people? A return on the prosperity that America’s biggest businesses (and ultra-wealthy) have experienced over the last decade. Universal Pre-K, free community college, lower drug prices — all rebates on corporate America’s windfall. Who would want to miss out on their share of that? Especially if the payoff was for kids, care and climate.” — John Hickman, managing director of TBWA\Chiat\Day in Los Angeles

“Most people won’t get past the price point of a multi-trillion-dollar spending package. We should instead focus on its many benefits — taken to the kitchen table level. Here’s a way to illustrate how diverse individuals from different levels of society can benefit, specifically. And we convey how this aid creates positive ripple effects that converge at the national level, addressing greater Democrat and Republican priorities together. The #BetterForUS campaign is designed to be a hashtag-based, constituent-driven approach to provoke thought about how the entire nation stands to gain from the Build Back Better Act — one unique beneficiary at a time.” — The Sensis Agency: Javier San Miguel, group creative director, copy; David Galván, creative director, art; Eduardo Flores, senior art director; and Jairo Llort, senior copywriter

Democrats are always arguing about this sort of thing with consultants, pollsters, strategists and armchair generals like me constantly bickering over “messaging.” Sometimes they come up with something really good (“Hope and change” was simple and elegant) but mostly they just flounder. I don’t know if these Mad Men ideas are any better and it’s almost certainly too late. But BBB is a dud in my book and I wish they’d gone with something different.

A Trump sycophant writes a book

Mollie Hemingway is one of Trump’s greatest MAGA defenders to the point of being cloying. She has written a book and there are excerpts.

What follows is adapted from three interviews of President Donald Trump for Mollie Hemingway’s latest book “Rigged: How The Media, Big Tech, and the Democrats Seized Our Elections,” out October 12.

The interview had been all over the place. Trump is a bizarre combination of an open book and difficult to nail down. When my husband listened to tapes of the interviews, he seemed almost shell-shocked at how much Trump hopped around from one topic to the next.

Well, unless it’s about The Big Lie. He can sure stay on that topic. But the truth is that he does skip around but it’s because he wants to control the conversation and doesn’t like the way it’s going. He’s also extremely mentally undisciplined and prefers nasty gossip over all other forms of conversation. It’s seems clear that he’s even looser around MAGA allies like Hemingway.

As you will see, Hemingway is more than happy to oblige her Dear Leader:

While I like to think I’m an excellent listener, I’m not a fan of the interview style that requires badgering a source for a preferred outcome. As in the other interviews I had with him, I was just as curious about what he wanted to focus on as what I needed to find out from him.

Anyway, back to the little fluff session:

At one point, he noticed a large bandage on my forearm, which covered a burn I received while cooking dinner for my children. “Did you have a tattoo put on?” he asked, in the midst of listing off detailed election irregularities in Pennsylvania and Michigan. “Mollie’s going into the tattoo stuff? Whoa, that’s a big step.”

As we sat down in his second-floor office, the former president was watching Fox News, where I’m a contributor. He asked me what I thought of various Fox personalities. When he got to Bret Baier, who hosts “Special Report,” I complimented him.

Trump went on a riff about what a good golfer Bret is. “He’s a bull. He’s strong as hell.” Trump had recently played with Bryson DeChambeau, and talked about how he drove the 18th green at his Palm Beach course, which is about a 370-yard carry — even longer than Bret could, he said.

President Joe Biden had held his first press conference earlier that day, more than two months after he’d been inaugurated. Even with obsequious questions from an adoring press corps, he’d struggled to complete answers, getting lost and referring to his notes.

“He looks fragile up there. He’s not a long-ball hitter. I can tell you that. He does not hit the long ball,” Trump said. “It’s hard to watch. I mean, to be honest with you, it’s hard to watch. You’re on pins and needles. ‘Cause you just don’t know. When does the blow-up occur? He’s not the sharpest guy.”‘It was a little bit different with me,’ he noted dryly.

Pure projection.

A few weeks after Biden was inaugurated, I told Trump during a phone call that I was going to write a book about the 2020 election. He invited me to come see him.

That’s how I ended up in Florida in late February, for our first interview. The moment you land at the Palm Beach International airport, people joke about having made it to the Free State of Florida, but that’s exactly how it feels compared to D.C.

My friend Karol Markowicz, a writer who escaped Brooklyn for an area near Palm Beach just so her children could attend school during the lockdowns, describes the area as “The Hamptons, but colorful and risk-taking. Everyone is rich enough that they don’t care what anyone else thinks of them.”‘Everyone is rich enough that they don’t care what anyone else thinks of them.’

Palm Beach in the winter is just perfect. The town is full of beautiful men and women who seem to have the right balance of work and leisure. With the blissfully temperate climate and the gorgeous — and yes, colorful — homes and lawns, I began to fantasize about what life-changing events would have to occur for me to be able to make the move also.

For our first meeting, we sat in the 60-foot long Mar-a-Lago central room. Built by Post cereal heiress Marjorie Merriweather Post, and meticulously restored and renovated by Donald Trump, the gold-leafed ceiling towers above ornate furnishings and tapestries. A massive window overlooks the expansive lawn in front of the ocean. On the other side, the open doors lead out to the large patio where members of the private club there have dinner each night.

At a later meeting I was told that President Trump preferred a seat with its back to the ocean side, but this day he was in the seat facing the ocean. Behind him, an open door showed a room with video equipment and a large TV, playing Fox News.

Baier was interviewing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell. I would later learn it was the interview in which McConnell told Baier he’d “absolutely” support Trump if he ran again. But Trump was still frustrated with McConnell and how he’d mismanaged the Trump era, calling him a “stupid f-cker.”

He’s still calling him a stupid fucker. And he will never forgive him.

I won’t even mention Hemingway’s excitement about being in that gauche hellhole Mar-a lago. It’s really just pathetic. More fluffing:

Before the meeting, personal aides and staff of the club milled about. Many people let me know that Trump was in a great mood, in that way that clearly showed his mood hadn’t been great when they first arrived at Mar-a-Lago weeks prior.

I was curious about how he viewed his legacy, but he wasn’t interested in talking about anything more than two years out. For a guy known for his self-obsession, he was remarkably knowledgeable and focused on midterm elections and how to strengthen the Republican Party. He took me through what he thought was important in various races to ensure victory, noting arcane rules about primaries, conventions, and how they would affect his involvement.

We discussed what went well in the 2020 campaign and what didn’t, along with his view that he’d done what was necessary to win in a free and fair fight. “It hurts to lose less than to win and have it taken away,” he said. He reminisced about his triumphant 2020 State of the Union Address, given just as he had defeated Democrats’ first impeachment effort, where he could boast of a roaring economy, a secure border, and peace breaking out globally. “George Washington, with Abraham Lincoln as his running mate, could not have beaten me. I was up so much.”‘It hurts to lose less than to win and have it taken away.’

Actually, the aggregate polling had him at 42% approval and 53% disapproval in the weeks after the speech. He never got over 50%. Not even once.

He then whines incessantly about how Hillary Clinton said he was illegitimate because of the Russian interference and pouts that the media didn’t criticize her for it. He doesn’t mention that she conceded the election the immediately and that the Obama administration commenced with a normal transition.

Then he complains that he’s being treated differently just because he fomented several coup plots, inspired an insurrection, refused to concede and is still engaged in an extended tantrum that threatens to destroy the country:

The media partisans won Pulitzers for spreading the lie, but moved on when it came out that it was a Democrat setup. Now they were complaining that he’d questioned the integrity of the next election. Throughout our interviews, he’d note how frustrating it was that he had to simultaneously run the country and survive the establishment’s onslaughts against him.

This is just funny. He misses twitter more than anything in his life:

He downplayed the importance of Twitter deplatforming him, one of many moves tech oligarchs had made to suppress their political opposition. Again, he was unfazed. “Some people said they didn’t enjoy the tweets. Sometimes it got to be a bit much,” he admitted, adding that he didn’t even enjoy the last six months of tweeting.

More Hemingway ooohing and aahing at all the fancy rich people:

As I waited for my Uber to come pick me up at the valet, the club was filling with well-heeled members and guests. A gorgeous Rolls-Royce with suicide doors pulled up. Guests poured out of Bentleys, Lamborghinis, Teslas, and McLarens. Rod Blagojevich stepped inside.

And here comes the Big Lie:

I had come back to Palm Beach in March, still in the midst of my book research. When talking about the 2020 election, Trump liked to talk about fraud, but the truth of what happened was so much worse.

People, including the president, colloquially use the term “fraud” to refer to any type of election rigging, but technically it only refers to actions that affect the election that are not just illegal but committed knowingly. It’s almost impossible to find conclusive evidence of election fraud, particularly after ballots are counted. But that didn’t mean the election had been conducted without widespread interference.

In early February, political reporter and Nancy Pelosi biographer Molly Ball published a Time magazine article detailing how, as she put it, “a well-funded cabal of powerful people, ranging across industries and ideologies, working together behind the scenes to influence perceptions, change rules and laws, steer media coverage and control the flow of information” had rigged the election to secure a Biden victory.

While she was whitewashing what the cabal had done – asserting unconvincingly that it wasn’t rigging but “fortifying” — she revealed that these powerful elites, funded by Facebook billionaire Mark Zuckerberg, had been able to embed left-wing activists into election offices to assist Democrats with their get-out-the-vote efforts and the Democrats’ push for mail-in balloting.‘They spent four years working on rigging the election.’

Despite her best efforts to make it seem less nefarious than it was, it confirmed Republicans’ worst suspicions that things hadn’t been free or fair. Likewise, Trump was pleased to be vindicated in his view that, well, a “well-funded cabal of powerful people” had in fact rigged the election.

“The only good article I’ve read in Time magazine in a long time — that was actually just a piece of the truth because it was much deeper than that — about how they stole the election,” he said. “They just couldn’t keep it in. You know what I mean? They just couldn’t keep it in. They had to let it out a little bit,” he said.

My book explains, among other things, how Zuckerberg spent hundreds of millions of dollars targeting Democrat counties in ways that significantly drove up Biden’s margin, enabling his victory. The funds weren’t for campaign spending, mind you, but for a targeted private takeover of the government administration of election operations.

“We got them by surprise the first time,” Trump said, explaining why he was allowed to win in 2016 and not in 2020. “And the second time, they spent four years working on rigging the election,” he said. “They were willing to do anything they could, and it started from the day I took office or before I took office. It started from right after the election with the Russia hoax.”

He knew also that the global pandemic had helped Democrats take over the administration of elections. “Well, they used COVID to rig the election. There was nothing I could do. They were using COVID and the Republicans have bad leadership with guys like Mitch McConnell. And they allowed them to give these hundred million ballots out,” he said, referring to widespread mail-in balloting, with all of its known threats to election security.

Despite his hyperbolic and imprecise rhetoric, and in our meetings it was regularly that, Trump understood the big picture problems with the 2020 election better than many of his critics. He knew that many of the changes that had been forced through states in 2020 were unconstitutional.

“The constitution of the United States says you cannot change any of your rules, regulations, or anything else, unless you go through the state legislatures,” he said, referring to Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 of the U.S. Constitution, which leaves the power to the state legislature to make the election laws. Pennsylvania had been one of the states that made major changes to election laws, arguably in violation of both the federal and state constitutions.

Lol. “Despite his hyperbolic and imprecise rhetoric” Trump knows the constitution better than anyone in the whole wide world.

Then he trashes Ben Sasse:

Trump told me a story about how Sen. Ben Sasse annoyed him right after the 2016 election by being unduly hostile at his initial meeting with the Senate GOP conference. “Terrible senator. This started right at the beginning,” he said, remembering how much time, in his view, the Nebraska senator had spent sniping in the wrong direction. “He’s actually stupid, ‘cause you know the problem with the Republicans is they don’t stick together. You don’t have Mitt Romney and Ben Sasse in the Democrat Party,” he said, while admitting Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.V., occasionally played a minor version of that role in his party.‘The problem with the Republicans is they don’t stick together.’

A few years later, Sens. Lindsey Graham and Ted Cruz asked Trump to give Sasse another chance. “I say, ‘Keep him out. Guy’s a loser.’ So they said, ‘No, no, no. He wants to make peace.’” Sasse was trying to avoid a primary challenge at the time. “He was like a little boy. He was so well behaved. He didn’t say a word. And they made a case as to why I should let him back into the fold,” Trump said.

Combined with Sasse’s change of behavior to avoid a primary, Trump went on to endorse him. As soon as he won his primary, the old Sasse returned.

“And he made stuff up about, he said terrible things. He made stuff up about Christians, about this, about that, about evangelicals. He made it up,” Trump said, although really it was the left-wing publication The Atlantic that had created the story, using some of their anonymous sources and creative writing, to allege Trump had said monstrous things about key constituencies.

Later, the Atlantic would invent a story about Trump disparaging World War I dead, despite it being refuted by dozens of on-the-record sources and contemporaneous government evidence. Sasse, who claims he opposes conspiracy theories, has declined to speak against those The Atlantic has published, and regurgitated their claims in a call to donors that he had leaked to a NeverTrump conduit at the Washington Examiner just as tens of millions of Americans were voting by mail in the tight 2020 presidential election:

Republican Sen. Ben Sasse, in a private call with constituents, excoriated President Trump, saying he had mishandled the coronavirus response, ‘kisses dictators’ butts,’ ‘sells out our allies,’ spends ‘like a drunken sailor,’ mistreats women, and trash-talks evangelicals behind their backs. Trump has ‘flirted with white supremacists,’ according to Sasse, and his family ‘treated the presidency like a business opportunity.’

It was a classic example of how NeverTrumpers gave aid and comfort to Democrats at crunch time, moves that demoralized Republican voters and suppressed votes for Trump.

“He was on a phone call to his donors that he essentially leaked to the press. Okay. You know, he’s a sleazebag,” he said. Trump knew Sasse was reverting to his old ways shortly after the Nebraskan won his primary, when he viciously criticized Trump for a plan to draw down troop size in Germany.‘He is a better baseball pitcher than he is predicting what to do with people’s health.’

“I want to bring troops out of Germany. You know, some of them, because we’ve got 54,000 troops in Germany costing us billions of dollars. Germany treats us badly on trade and many other things. And so I’m going to reduce it by 25,000. And I hear Little Ben Sasse is chipping away saying how we shouldn’t do it. You know, he wants to stay in Afghanistan, let soldiers stay there and get their faces blown off, and their arms blown off for another 19 years and die,” Trump said.

Then Trump regaled me with detailed stories of how various Nebraska Republicans yelled at him for endorsing Sasse when he was somewhat vulnerable. “I said, uh, no kidding,” explaining that he made other similar mistakes in an effort to avoid having too many primary battles.

“So I end up supporting a guy who’s a sleazebag. By the way, you can quote me on all this stuff. A very dishonest guy, because at least go out there and you know, play who you are,” Trump said in our interview. “You’ve got to see him at that meeting. He was like a quiet little boy who just sat there. And they did all the talking on his behalf and you know that he couldn’t have been better. He didn’t say a bad thing about me for two years.”

Then they go after Dr. Fauci:

“Well, who knew that he knew so little? Anthony Fauci is a good promoter—he’s a great promoter. He is a better baseball pitcher than he is predicting what to do with people’s health,” Trump said, needling him about the wild first pitch he threw at a Major League Baseball game during his 2020 publicity tour.

He goes on to claim that he did a great job with COVID. Hemingway says he admits his messaging was off but doesn’t elaborate.

And then there’s this… Good God, this woman is a such a shameless sycophant it’s down right uncomfortable to even read it:

Fred Barnes once commented about how weird it was to interview Trump, because he’s far more genteel in person than he is in public. Usually politicians kiss babies and are saccharine sweet in public, but revert to their natural state in less public situations. Trump is something different. He’s the same guy on and off stage, but much kinder in smaller groups.

He’s profane, yes, and full of insults. But he even goes off the record to praise individuals, as he did with several frequent objects of his scorn. And he’d go off the record to criticize individuals he praised publicly. He dished excellent gossip, which I’m not at liberty to share. He was even an incisive critic of public officials’ rhetoric, noting Gov. Mario Cuomo’s overuse of language related to stars and suns.‘I could do without, you know, standing up there for an hour and doing what I do.’

In other words, he’s a total asshole. But we knew that.

The only time he really ducked answering was when I asked him if he’d had COVID during his first debate, marked by belligerence from everyone on stage: “That’s a very interesting statement. I’ve had other people say that. That was the area of time, right?” Others around the president also ducked the question. Later he would tell me that Regeneron was a cure, as far as he was concerned. That’s the monoclonal antibody treatment he received when he got hit with COVID.

He had it and he exposed Biden to it and it’s a miracle he didn’t kill him. I don’t know that Biden would have been given the experimental treatments that Trump and his cronies got, I really don’t.

This is just gratuitous nonsense:

In between my second and third interview, I also ended up getting COVID. I’ve had worse flus, but the duration of recovery was long, particularly as I was trying to write a complicated book under an incredibly short deadline. Even though I was no longer contagious, the famously germaphobic president actually scooted away from me when I told him.

Of course, relative to much of the left these days, Trump doesn’t seem to be nearly the germaphobe he was criticized for being just years ago. Of his COVID experience, he dryly remarked, “That was interesting.” Having just gone through it, I understood.

More gossip. He’s such a little mean girl:

We discussed Kanye West’s idiosyncratic run for president in 2020. Democrats, led by Marc Elias, had successfully kept him off the ballot by hook and by crook. In Wisconsin, he was supposedly 14 seconds too late in filing his paperwork. Trump had kind words for West, but said he had “loony tendencies.”

Trump thought billionaire former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg would have a stronger run in the Democratic primary, just based on his spending. But he bombed his first debate, when Sen. Elizabeth Warren said she wanted to talk about running against a billionaire who speaks disparagingly of women. Not Trump, she said, but Bloomberg.

“One question, he was taken out. Remember the question? ‘And it wasn’t Donald Trump.’ How do you respond? He’s going ‘Holy s—! Get me out after the first question.’ That was Pocahontas. She took him out. Oh wow. You remember that?” Trump asked.

More fluffing:

Trump was engaged in front of the crowd of pro-life legislators and supporters the night prior. He seemed like he was having fun. I asked him the next day about his late-in-life conversion to politics.

“You know, it’s very interesting. People think I have a good time. I could do without it. I could do without, you know, standing up there for an hour and doing what I do, but I like getting the word out. I think it’s important to get the word out because the press doesn’t put it out,” he said. It was one of several times where he suggested he was engaged in politics because he genuinely cared about the direction of the country.

Lol. The ecstatic crowd is what he lives for.

Then he trashes McConnell again and speculates that Kevin McCarthy might be gay:

By our May interview, Trump was still disappointed in McConnell, who he called “a disgrace to the Republican Party. He’s gutless. He should have fought for us on the rigged election. Can you imagine Schumer saying ‘We have to declare Trump the winner to get the country going’?”

“The problem with the Republicans is they don’t know who to fight,” Trump said.

I asked him who he thought might make a better leader for Republicans. He discussed a few names off the record, and said, “Leadership is a very funny thing. Oftentimes you don’t know who’s going to be a good leader until they’re there. It’s like you throw the baby into the water and they turn out to be an Olympic champion, or maybe it won’t work out so well. I’ve watched people that have such capability, and they turn out to be lousy leaders. You never know.”

Right before our May interview, Fox News’ Tucker Carlson had revealed that House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy was close friends with Frank Luntz, an advisor to various left-wing groups, who is regularly, if inexplicably, invited to tell Republican officials what their messaging should be. What’s more, they had recently become roommates.

“Uh, that Luntz thing is weird, right? What’s that all about?” Trump asked, adding he was pretty sure McCarthy isn’t gay. “I don’t think it’s a romance. I think it’s just, they know each other or something. I can’t imagine. I don’t think — I mean, if you’re thinking it — but it is weird.” He advised against the living arrangement. “You know, we’re past the age of roommates. You don’t do that.”

The guy simply has no boundaries. None. He’s just a nasty little bitch.

And he just loves the troops:

That may have something to do with why he particularly hated The Atlantic’s story, in which editor Jeff Goldberg claimed without evidence to have anonymous sources saying Trump called war dead “suckers” and “losers” and “did not believe it important to honor American war dead.”

While the story had no basis in fact and was refuted by dozens of on-the-record sources, it was widely accepted by corporate media and was even mentioned in a presidential debate.‘That was the one that angered me the most,’ he said, visibly pained.

“That was the one that angered me the most,” he said, visibly pained. If he’d ever said anything like that in front of members of the military, there would have been a fight, he said. “Think of it. I’m standing there with generals and people in the military. Just from a common-sense standpoint, we’re all smart people,” he said. “If I said that in front of generals, I would say, despite the fact that I’m president of the United States, there would be fisticuffs. You understand that?”

Please. He routinely insulted the military leadership in public. There is no doubt that he said it. But it is interesting that this seems to have embarrassed him. I didn’t think that was possible.

After each interview, President Trump invited me to stay for dinner at the club. I had previously declined, but the night of my final interview I was supposed to have dinner with Karol. I wondered if she’d like to do so at Mar-a-Lago. I was pretty sure she hadn’t voted for Trump, but she wasn’t deranged about it, unlike some of our other acquaintances. I called her and she eventually made her way over. We ended up being the last people seated.

Trump was having dinner with Cruz. They were the center of attention. When they finished their dinner, Trump stood up to walk the Texas senator out. The diners all applauded. As he made his way to our side of the patio, Trump said to Karol and me, “How is everything? Amazing?”

But we hadn’t even been served water by that point. He motioned to someone to take care of us.

He made some nice comments about Cruz, before bringing up his 2016 convention speech, in which he excoriated Trump. “The way he got out of that race,” he said, laughing. “He’s a worse loser than me!”‘The way he got out of that race,’ he said, laughing. ‘He’s a worse loser than me!’

Swarmed by diners asking for pictures, he finally made his escape.

Our meal turned out to be great. The lump crab and a pasta dish with an exquisite sauce was extremely well prepared and flavorful. We were both a bit surprised, having read disdainful media reports of similar dining experiences.

Then again, these same reporters suggested that Mar-a-Lago was gauche. It was a reminder of how extremely negative feelings about the former president colored how the media covered him and anything he touched.

When it came time to pay, our waiter told us the president had picked up the tab.

Karol immigrated to the United States from the USSR as a child. And now the former president had bought her dinner.

You just have to laugh. Ted Cruz and his ilk just sit there smiling while this guy sticks in the shiv over and over again.

I’m sure this book will be a big bestseller with the MAGA faithful. To me, it depicts a total jackass, but that’s what they love about him.

Just another perp

Josh Marshall had me at Treat Trump Like the Common Perp He Is:

We appear to be moving toward a critical moment for rule of law in the United States, where it will finally be vindicated or a mockery. Unsurprisingly, former President Trump instructed his aides to defy the Jan 6th committee’s subpoenas. The legal instructions were reported yesterday by Politico and the Post. They involve mostly hand-waving with turns at executive privilege, lawyer client privilege and various others. None of these aides are lawyers and they are not the President’s lawyers. Former Presidents have no executive privilege. Or to put it more precisely, executive privilege inheres in the office of the presidency, not individuals. The President is Joe Biden. Not Donald Trump. It’s up to him to make such an argument. Trump can ask.

If Trump asked, I missed it, but Biden made the call that was his to make on Trump administration documents. Trump’s goombahs may have no more luck.

Investigating and prosecuting a sitting president faces a host of hurdles and players. Privileges that attach to the office mean Congress, the Department of Justice and the federal judiciary are involved, as happened in 1974 under Nixon. Trump is no longer a sitting president.

Marshall concludes:

The decision on whether to charge a former President with a crime is a weighty one. The decision to conduct a proper investigation of one is not. There are no excuses this time. Trump is just another lawbreaker and target of an investigation. Vindicate the law.

Whipsawed

This was not unexpected (The Washington Post):

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit granted a request filed Friday afternoon by the Texas attorney general to temporarily suspend a judge’s order blocking the law, which has halted most abortions in the state.

Attorney General Ken Paxton (R) had asked the appeals court to reverse the injunction by U.S. District Judge Robert L. Pitman, who sided with the Biden administration Wednesday night and characterized the abortion ban as an “unprecedented and aggressive scheme to deprive its citizens of a significant and well-established constitutional right.”

Paxton said the appeals court action was “great news,” tweeting, “I will fight federal overreach at every turn.”

S.B. 8 effectively bans abortions in Texas after fetal cardiac activity is detected at approximately six weeks, before many women know they are pregnant. There are no exceptions for rape or incest.

“This is a major loss for Texas patients and abortion providers, who have navigated the law’s devastating effects on abortion access for over a month now,” Planned Parenthood president Alexis McGill Johnson said in a statement. “The Fifth Circuit has again disregarded half a century of precedent upholding the constitutional right to abortion.”

Bans on abortion after six weeks have been blocked in several other states by federal judges because they are at odds with the Supreme Court’s landmark Roe v. Wade decision, which guarantees the right to abortion before viability, usually around 22 to 24 weeks.

The Texas law is different because it is not enforced by state officials. Instead, it relies on private citizens, who can sue anyone who helps someone in Texas get an abortion. The Supreme Court cited that enforcement mechanism when it declined to block the law from taking effect.

But a court “’cannot lawfully enjoin the world at large,’” Paxton’s filing argued, “let alone hold Texas responsible for the filings of private citizens that Texas is powerless to prevent” or enjoin the state’s court’s from exercising their jurisdiction.”

The state’s attempt to evade Roe v. Wade‘s protections and judicial review by having private citizens enforce the abortion ban was exactly what Pitman found both “flagrantly unconstitutional” as well as offensive.

Since long before Trumism, this is how Republican lawmakers approach laws they don’t like:

1) Find the line. 2) Step over it. 3) Dare anyone to push them back. No pushback? New line to overstep. The way water slowly erodes mountains, the GOP is eroding democracy. And damned pleased with themselves for getting away with it.

With that in mind, keep Frank Wilhoit’s 2018 dictum close at hand:

Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit:

There must be in-groups whom the law protectes but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect.

You’ve heard that before, but he wasn’t done. Surrounded for centuries as that proposition has been by “an elaborate backwash of pseudophilosophy,” that flummery now has fallen away, Wilhoit argued. “All that is left is the core proposition itself — backed up, no longer by misdirection and sophistry, but by violence.”

The Trump era ain’t over yet.

Friday Night Soother

Da Bears…

And the winner of the Katmai Fat bear contest!

They went pound for pound, gut to gut. Coming into the final round, both animals had fervent support online. But in the end, 480 Otis was crowned the winner of the Fat Bear Week tournament — a competition made all the more unique by the fact that none of its entrants have any idea it exists.

Fat Bear Week is put on in Alaska by the Katmai National Park and Preserve, explore.org and the Katmai Conservancy, as a way to highlight the park’s natural beauty and to share the story of its large brown bear population.

The bears’ annual hibernation cycle requires them to pack on pounds during the summer — which they do by feasting on salmon in the park’s Brooks River. Their hunger is driven by months of starvation, as well as the impulse to prepare for another winter.

480 Otis took his fourth Fat Bear title by vanquishing 151 Walker, a younger bear who has impressive size but lacks the do-you-believe-in-miracles comeback story of 480 Otis. The older bear, believed to be around 25, emerged from hibernation a bit late this year, looking very thin and facing health problems.

“In particular, he is missing two canine teeth and many of his other teeth are greatly worn,” Explore.org says in the bear’s bio. “Otis must also compete with younger and larger bears who want access to his fishing spots. Otis is more likely to be displaced by these bears than he is to displace them.”

In addition to his extraordinary ability to fill out his frame, 480 Otis’ fans say they simply prefer the champ’s more mellow personality, citing the patience he shows with other bears. Then there are the fishing skills, and his refusal to waste energy chasing salmon around.

A commenter on the Fat Bear website sums up the bear’s appeal: “His perseverance, will to live (he was having such difficulty walking at first; his hind legs had problems), and skill as an angler — plus his inter-bear communications — well, they just spoke to me.”

Of the roughly 96,000 votes cast in the decisive final round, 480 Otis captured more than 51,000, compared to less than 45,000 for 151 Walker.

480 Otis’ fans admit that he’s no spring chicken. But as he’s proven yet again, he is indeed a fall bear in full — one who’s busy preparing for another winter hibernation.

The bear is not resting on his impressively stout laurels. Like a true champion, the “portly patriarch of paunch” is “still hard at work chowing down,” the Katmai National Park said.

More bears, courtesy Tom Sullivan:

Bringing in the big guns

Former National Rifle Association spokesperson Dana Loesch speaks about saving the Second Amendment during an event on Thursday on the University of Colorado campus in Boulder

This is a disturbing account of a gathering of right wing gun extremists being headlined by the guy who says he’s putting together “shock troops” to take over the country and a high level NRA celebrity:

Global takeover conspiracy theories. Christian pastors and local sheriffs still pissed that Donald Trump lost the 2020 election. And the head of a group that even the reserved Facebook censors labeled a “violent social militia.”

Few Americans are even aware that the gun company Kahr and a rural Pennsylvania doomsday church—both run by the same ultra-rich Korean family—hold an annual “Freedom Festival” that attracts gun enthusiasts and the type of people who attach “Don’t Tread on Me” flags to the back of their trucks. But in the wake of the failed Jan. 6 insurrection, the event’s amalgamation of sovereign citizens and alt-truthers has taken on a new meaning. And now, it’s even got an all-star lineup.

This year’s top speakers include Steve Bannon, once the chief strategist for President TrumpDana Loesch, the former aggressively vocal National Rifle Association spokeswoman who made millions while achieving celebrity status in the gun industry, and a smattering of alt-right figures known for championing Trump and the Second Amendment.

Ryan Busse, a former gun industry executive turned self-described whistleblower, told The Daily Beast that the presence of such high-profile speakers lends a dangerous credibility to the armed American fringe that is increasingly angry, vocal, and demanding of government policies that cater to their politics.

“It’s going to send a message across the country that this is normal, that this is OK. This is American fascism being developed right before our eyes,” Busse said. “This is like 1936 Germany in a symposium.”

“The one that concerns me the most is Dana Loesch,” Busse added. “She’s treated by gun consumers like royalty and here she is legitimizing this insanity. That scares me.”

As Busse said, it wasn’t the first “doomsday cult” in the world. “But it’s the first one that a former spokesperson for the NRA is speaking at.”

This is dangerous stuff. Bannon and Loesch have huge followings among regular gun nuts and Trumps (a very big overlap there) and they take their signals from these people.

Now they are scouring the earth for the craziest gun nuts they can find to join their cause.

Shithole countries redux

The former guy on Hannity last night:

“You know, there’s one other thing that nobody talks about. So we have hundreds of thousands of people flowing in from Haiti. Haiti has a tremendous AIDS problem.”

“AIDS is a step beyond. AIDS is a real bad problem. So, hundreds of thousands of people are coming into our country. And if you look at the stats, if you look at the numbers, if you look at just — take a look at what’s happening in Haiti, a tremendous problem with AIDS. Many of those people will probably have AIDS, and they’re coming into our country. And we don’t do anything about it. We let everybody come in. Sean, it’s like a death wish. It’s like a death wish for our country.”

A s Philip Bump pointed out, the White House denied that Trump had said similar things when it was reported during his term:

A few months after he took office in 2017, President Donald Trump was handed a list of visas granted by the United States that year. He took the document (helpfully provided by aide Stephen Miller) to a meeting with advisers at the White House where, according to New York Times reporting, he began insulting various countries as undesirable or disease-ridden.

Allowing 40,000 Nigerians to come to the United States, he reportedly said, meant they would never “go back to their huts” in their home countries. And allowing 15,000 people from Haiti was a risk, he said, because they “all have AIDS.”

Then-White House press secretary Sarah Sanders denied the report in unflinching terms.

“General [John] Kelly, General [Henry] McMaster, Secretary [Rex] Tillerson, Secretary [Kirstjen] Nielsen and all other senior staff actually in the meeting deny these outrageous claims,” she said. “It’s both sad and telling the New York Times would print the lies of their anonymous ‘sources’ anyway.”

It’s likely that few people actually believed this denial. Trump’s critics saw the language as very much in line with the president’s standard fare; many of his supporters would not be worried that he had said it. When The Washington Post reported in January 2018 that he again had disparaged African countries and wondered why the United States “needed” more Haitians (“Take them out,” he reportedly said), it simply reinforced the hollowness of the denial.

Back then, Trump was still new to politics broadly and the presidency specifically. He still had a team around him — Chief of Staff Kelly, Secretary of State Tillerson — who were not die-hard adherents to his worldview and who often worked to contain his more reckless impulses. He was, to some extent, still constrained.

Since his impeachments, election loss and renewed confidence in his political support, Trump is no longer constrained. And so there’s no more pretense, no more politically softened insistence that the Times and Post were wrong and that claims Trump said anything so cruel about Haitians were “outrageous.” Now, he just goes on Fox News and says it.

Let’s hear some more caterwauling from Republicans about “civility” shall we?

He is a pig and we knew that. But his piggish ways are becoming more pronounced as he now fully understands that he can openly and crudely insult anyone on earth except his base and there will be no repercussions. It’s going to get even uglier, I’m afraid, so fasten your seatbelts.