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Month: July 2022

No, it’s not burning in my heart

But the heat wave melted a British runway

“Flights in and out RAF Brize Norton in Oxfordshire have been halted because the “runway has melted” in the hot weather, Sky News understands,” reads the tweet.

Or was it because of a “bodged resurfacing job” last year? Whatever. Planes could not fly.

Climate change has reached Europe (ABC News):

LONDON — The U.K. on Tuesday posted its highest temperature on record, breaking 40 degrees Celsius for the first time, after government officials declared a national emergency and issued unprecedented health warnings.

The British Meteorological office issued its first-ever “Red warning” in response to the heat wave.

The heat wave in Britain, which has been linked to climate change, follows a weekend of wildfires and soaring deadly temperatures in France, Portugal and Spain.

 “We hoped we wouldn’t get to this situation but for the first time ever we are forecasting greater than 40°C in the U.K.,” Dr. Nikos Christidis, a climate attribution scientist at the Met Office, said. “Climate change has already influenced the likelihood of temperature extremes in the U.K. The chances of seeing 40°C days in the UK could be as much as 10 times more likely in the current climate than under a natural climate unaffected by human influence.”

British trains imposed slower speed limits as a precaution (The Guardian):

Higher temperatures spreading north led to Scotrail on Monday following England and Wales in slowing down trains for safety. Trains across Britain were limited to a 90mph maximum, while on the east coast line linking London, York and Edinburgh the top speed was halved to 60mph.

The east coast line is predicted to experience the hottest temperatures, and some of its infrastructure, including for the wires and track, are more susceptible to damage in heat than other parts of the UK railway. The line will be closed entirely south of Leeds and York on Tuesday.

Across the Channel over the weekend, the Tour de France was dumping thousands of liters of water on pavement reaching temperatures of 60 C in the heat.

“In certain places, the asphalt is going to start melting, not everywhere of course, but it is going to get much softer,” French departments road safety organiser Andre Bancala told AFP. “So you can imagine how that might end?” The Tour keeps a truck for that purpose, so the dousing is not unprecedented. But still.

The Tour can find plenty of water in New York’s subways, where torrential rains are overwhelming existing drainage infrastructure (WABC):

Wild weather wreaked havoc in parts of the Tri-State area as heavy storms rolled through Monday, flooding highways, streets and subway stations.

In New York City, subway service was restored just before the morning commute on the A line, north of 181st Street station, after a large amount of water flooded the Dyckman Street station in Inwood.

And the Great Salt Lake is drying up‘. It has lost two-thirds of its size already, “causing a dangerous ecological ripple effect throughout Utah.”

Someone tell Joe Manchin. Just for shits and giggles. It won’t move him.

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It’s not climate change making Trump sweat

Nor a heart attack making his chest feel tight

Rolling Stone reported late Sunday that former President Donald Trump views an early announcement of his candidacy for 2024 as a shield against investigation/prosecution.

Laurence Tribe Monday morning issued words of caution to his former pupil, U.S. Attorney General Merrick Garland. The constitutional scholar and Professor Emeritus at Harvard University warned Garland against letting the former president play him in any decision about investigating Donald Trump.

“Mr. Trump is counting on your concerns about not ‘appearing’ political when he makes clear his belief that you wouldn’t dare approve his indictment once he announces,” Tribe tweeted. “You MUST prove him wrong. Make him a TARGET now. No time to lose.”

Focus on Garland sharpened Monday evening when MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow revealed that nearly two months ago on May 25, Garland issued a memo to the Department of Justice headed “Election Year Sensitivities.”

Garland cautions employees that to safeguard “the Department’s reputation for fairness, neutrality, and non-partisanship,” they should be sensitive about making statements or announcements regarding investigations and prosecutions in an election season:

Simply put, partisan politics must play no role in the decisions of federal investigators or prosecutors regarding any investigations or criminal charges. Law enforcement officers and prosecutors may never select the timing of public statements (attributed or not), investigative steps, criminal charges, or any other action in any matter or case for the purpose of affecting any election, or for the purpose of giving an advantage or disadvantage to any candidate or political party. Such a purpose, or the appearance of such a purpose, is inconsistent with the Department’s mission and with the Principles of Federal Prosecution.

Garland then references as still in effect a February 5, 2020 memo from predecessor Bill Barr. “Additional Requirements for the Opening of Certain Sensitive Investigations” specified that “No investigation (including any preliminary investigation) may be opened or initiated by the [DOJ] or any of its law enforcement agencies … absent prior (i) written notification to and consultation with the Assistant Attorney(s) General and U.S. Attorney(s) with jurisdiction over the matter and (ii) written approval of the Attorney General, through the Deputy Attorney General.”

The Maddow story is sensationalized, Marcy Wheeler believes. Trump was considering announcing on July 4, and his actions are likely already the target of multiple investigations (or could be soon), including into his removing classified documents to Mar-a-Lago. High-profile investigations (such as into a former president) would likely always require approval of the AG. Wheeler on Monday posted a compendium of investigative steps the DOJ has taken of people a mere arm’s length from Trump.

While Rolling Stone‘s reporting may have driven Tribe’s poke at Garland not to be pressured by Trump’s announcement teases, Tribe himself predicted two weeks ago that Garland would indict the former president. The searches and seizures of John Eastman and others involved in the Jan. 6 planning provide “strong evidence that the Justice Department is not stopping with the foot soldiers. It’s going to the generals. And the biggest general of all, of course, is Donald Trump. The odds are he will be indicted.” [timestamp 0:30]

But one wonders (as Digby has) whether awareness of either the Barr memo or the May 25 Garland memo is influencing Trump’s teasing an early announcement of a 2024 candidacy. We know by now he will grasp at any and all straws to save himself from losing, and especially from punishment. Was Garland’s memo leaked to him? People in Trump’s “orbit” were teasing a Trump July Fourth announcement by the first week of June. It did not happen.

Trump clearly has Garland on the brain. But criminal prosecution by Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis may be a more proximate threat. The recording of Trump, mafioso-style, pressuring Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to “find” votes seems clear-cut enough to justify criminal indictment. Plus, Willis has warned several high-profile Georgia Republicans they could face charges over Trump’s fake electors scheme in her state. Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina is fighting a Georgia subpoena to answer questions about his calls to Georgia officials about 2020 election results.

How’s the heat in Florida, Donald?

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Will a Trump announcement protect him from prosecution?

He seems to think so

I’ve written about this myself, but this Rolling Stone article confirms that Trump wants to announce his candidacy because he sees it as protective from criminal charges. And sad to say, he may be right:

When Donald Trump formally declares his 2024 candidacy, he won’t just be running for another term in the White House. He’ll be running away from legal troubles, possible criminal charges, and even the specter of prison time.

In recent months, Trump has made clear to associates that the legal protections of occupying the Oval Office are front-of-mind for him, four people with knowledge of the situation tell Rolling Stone.

Trump has “spoken about how when you are the president of the United States, it is tough for politically motivated prosecutors to ‘get to you,” says one of the sources, who has discussed the issue with Trump this summer. “He says when [not if] he is president again, a new Republican administration will put a stop to the [Justice Department] investigation that he views as the Biden administration working to hit him with criminal charges — or even put him and his people in prison.”

Presidential immunity and picking his own attorney general aren’t Trump’s only reasons for running again. And as he works on another run, Trump is in a tug-of-war with leaders and operatives of his own party about when to announce, according to multiple people with knowledge of the matter.

The former president is motivated to announce early — even before Election Day 2022 — in the hopes of clearing the field of primary rivals. But GOP leaders, including some of Trump’s closest advisors, don’t want him to declare his intentions until after the midterm elections. The GOP wants to keep voters focused on President Joe Biden, rather than transforming the contest into a referendum on Trump. In recent months, Trump has reluctantly agreed to hold off, only to return shortly thereafter with threats to make an early announcement, either out of self-interest, spite, or some combination of the two.

But as Trump talks about running, the four sources say, he’s leaving confidants with the impression that, as his criminal exposure has increased, so has his focus on the legal protections of the executive branch.

It’s not just liberal wish-casters or Trump critics who are acknowledging the former president’s legal jeopardy. Trump’s teams of lawyers and former senior administration officials speak about it commonly. “I do think criminal prosecutions are possible…for Trump and [former White House chief of staff Mark] Meadows certainly,” Ty Cobb, a former top lawyer in Trump’s White House, bluntly told Rolling Stone late last month.

Trump himself seems to acknowledge potential problems. He “said something like, ‘[prosecutors] couldn’t get away with this while I was president,’” another one of the four sources recalls. “It was during a larger discussion about the investigations, other possible 2024 [primary] candidates, and what people were saying about the Jan. 6 hearings … He went on for a couple minutes about how ‘some very corrupt’ people want to ‘put me in jail.’”

The powers of the presidency would offer a welcome pause to the various civil suits and criminal investigations now hanging over Trump. It’s unclear whether the Justice Department will charge Trump in connection with fomenting the January 6 insurrection, but winning the White House would be extremely helpful to him. Department policy forbids the prosecution of a sitting president, effectively insulating Trump from any federal charges for another four years.

It’s unclear whether he’s protected from the pending state and civil charges but his screeching “witch hunt!” may have an effect even on that.

You have to love this:

In the face of the investigations, many in Trumpworld have hoped that former aides could face prosecution for the efforts to overturn the election instead of the former president. In particular, Trump associates have tried to distance him from Eastman. And as Rolling Stone reported last week Trump’s legal advisors also view former chief of staff Mark Meadows as a potential fall guy for the former president’s post-election activities.

He’ll throw Ivanka and Jared under the bus if that’s what it takes. Melania too.

I do think the environment will be much more difficult for a prosecution once he announces. We’re not dealing with a group of super bold legal bureaucrats here. He knows that it makes Americans queasy to see a presidential candidate being investigated by the government, especially one from the opposite party, and they will dredge up every single defense of Hillary Clinton in her email saga and throw it in our faces. It’s obviously a very different situation but they’ll work overtime to say it’s the same thing and we are being hypocrites —- while continuing to scream “lock her up” at rallies. They are that shameless.

An important step in saving democracy

Will congress step up?

Greg Sargent reports on a potentially important bipartisan congressional initiative:

A serious threat to our democracy is this scenario: A state legislature appoints a slate of presidential electors in defiance of the state’s popular vote, and one chamber of Congress, controlled by the same party, counts those electors. Under current law, those electors would stand, potentially tipping a close election.

But now, these senators appear to be homing in on solutions to that problem. If they succeed, it would constitute a substantial accomplishment, thanks in part to the House Jan. 6 committee’s focus on President Donald Trump’s attempt to overthrow U.S. democracy.

This week, the senators are expected to reach a deal on ECA reform. Trump revealed the ECA’s vulnerabilities by pressuring his vice president and congressional Republicans to invalidate electors appointed for Joe Biden in several states, as part of a plot to get them to appoint new electors for Trump.

The belief that this was actually possible — itself a legacy of the ECA’s flaws — helped inspire the violence of Jan. 6, 2021.

And so, ECA reform’s highest-profile elements would address those vulnerabilities. This would include clarifying the vice president’s role as purely ceremonial, expressly stating that the position has no power to invalidate electors or delay their count.

It would also include raising the threshold for Congress to object to a slate of electors. Right now, only one member from both the House and Senate can force a vote on whether to cast out electors. The reform would require one-fifth of each chamber to force that vote.

But in a twist, the relentless attention on that aspect of Trump’s scheme — pressuring his vice president and congressional Republicans — has overshadowed another essential element of ECA reform: how to address corruption of the state-level process for appointing electors.

First let’s note that all states appoint presidential electors in keeping with the popular vote outcome in them, a process that states previously established with legislation.

But imagine if a state legislature, with the backing of the governor, claims widespread-but-fictional election fraud as a pretext to violate that previously established process — and to appoint electors for the candidate who lost the popular vote.

If one chamber of Congress — say, the House of Representatives controlled by the same party those state actors and that candidate belong to — counts those electors, they’d become valid.

That’s even if the Senate objects to those electors. Under the current ECA, both chambers must object to electors to invalidate them. If one objects and the other counts them, they stand.

In short, all it takes is one state’s governor, in complicity with the House, to overturn a state’s outcome, and with it a very close national election. That’s the nightmare that experts such as Matthew Seligman and Richard L. Hasen urgently warn against.

Now, however, solutions to this threat are also being debated as part of ECA reform. According to two sources familiar with the talks, here are some of these solutions, though they’re in flux or could drop out entirely:

-Presidential electors must be appointed by the manner the state’s laws dictated before Election Day. This would prevent a state legislature and governor from appointing sham electors after the voting.

-If a state appoints a slate of electors before a deadline — the sixth day before the presidential electors meet — it overrides any electors appointed after that deadline. This would also avert post-vote shenanigans.

-The governor of each state must certify the electors before that deadline. If a governor violates this duty, the aggrieved candidate can appeal to a three-judge panel of two circuit court judges and one district court judge.

-The slate of electors deemed the legitimate one by the federal courts is conclusive.

-Congress must count the slate of electors deemed the legitimate one by this revised process for states. This means if the federal courts deem one set of electors operative, Congress must count them, and must not count other electors, even ones certified by a state legislature or governor.

– an election is disrupted by a disastrous event, the state legislature cannot simply appoint electors. It can only extend the voting period. This averts another scenario — a legislature finds a pretext to declare the voters failed to reach a decision, and appoints electors itself — which the current ECA might allow.

It’s not at all certain these ideas will end up in the final product. A spokesperson for Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), a leader of the bipartisan group, said these contain “inaccuracies,” and warned that talks are fluid.

But they would be critical, especially with so many candidates running for state-level positions across the country on an implicit (or even explicit) willingness to use their offices to reverse hated election losses.

“These particular reforms are essential,” J. Michael Luttig, a retired conservative judge widely respected by Republicans, told me. “They would all but ensure that the country will never endure another Jan. 6.”

All it would take is 10 GOP senators to agree — and no Democrats defecting over the absence of voting rights legislation — and it can be so.

This is a test. If they can’t get the GOP negotiators onboard or there aren’t 10 to break the filibuster we will know this is exactly what they are planning and that the entire party is on board.

No the Dems haven’t gone off the cliff

The Republicans have

This Pew analysis of polarization is important to remember.Yes, both sides have consolidated. But only one has gone batshit crazy:

It’s become commonplace among observers of U.S. politics to decry partisan polarization in Congress. Indeed, a Pew Research Center analysis finds that, on average, Democrats and Republicans are farther apart ideologically today than at any time in the past 50 years.

But the dynamics behind today’s congressional polarization have been long in the making. The analysis of members’ ideological scores finds that the current standoff between Democrats and Republicans is the result of several overlapping trends that have been playing themselves out – and sometimes reinforcing each other – for decades.

-Both parties have grown more ideologically cohesive. There are now only about two dozen moderate Democrats and Republicans left on Capitol Hill, versus more than 160 in 1971-72.
-Both parties have moved further away from the ideological center since the early 1970s. Democrats on average have become somewhat more liberal, while Republicans on average have become much more conservative.
-The geographic and demographic makeup of both congressional parties has changed dramatically. Nearly half of House Republicans now come from Southern states, while nearly half of House Democrats are Black, Hispanic or Asian/Pacific Islander.

The Center’s analysis is based on DW-NOMINATE, a method that uses lawmakers’ roll-call votes to place them in a two-dimensional ideological space. It is designed to produce scores that are comparable across time. This analysis focuses on the first dimension, which is essentially the economic and governmental aspects of the familiar left-right spectrum and ranges from 1 (most conservative) to -1 (most liberal).

A line graph showing that on average, Congress has become more conservative over the past five decades

Between the 92nd Congress of 1971-72 and the current 117th Congress, both parties in both the House and the Senate have shifted further away from the center, but Republicans more so. House Democrats, for example, moved from about -0.31 to -0.38, meaning that over time they’ve become modestly more liberal on average. House Republicans, by contrast, moved from 0.25 to nearly 0.51, a much bigger increase in the conservative direction.

As Democrats have grown more liberal over time and Republicans much more conservative, the “middle” – where moderate-to-liberal Republicans could sometimes find common ground with moderate-to-conservative Democrats on contentious issues – has vanished.

Five decades ago, 144 House Republicans were less conservative than the most conservative Democrat, and 52 House Democrats were less liberal than the most liberal Republican, according to the analysis. But that zone of ideological overlap began to shrink, as conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans – increasingly out of step with their caucuses and their constituents – either retired, lost reelection bids or, in a few cases, switched parties.

Since 2002, when Republican Rep. Constance Morella of Maryland was defeated for reelection and GOP Rep. Benjamin Gilman of New York retired, there’s been no overlap at all between the least liberal Democrats and the least conservative Republicans in the House. In the Senate, the end of overlap came in 2004, when Democrat Zell Miller of Georgia retired.

Ever since, the gaps between the least conservative Republicans and least liberal Democrats in both the House and Senate have widened – making it ever less likely that there’s any common ground to find.

The ideological shifts in the congressional parties have occurred alongside – and, perhaps to some extent, because of – geographic and demographic shifts in their composition.

In 1971-72, representatives from the 11 former Confederate states made up nearly a third (31.4%) of all the House Democrats who served in that Congress. Those Southern representatives were notably less liberal than Democrats from elsewhere in the country: Their average DW-NOMINATE score was -0.144, versus -0.388 for non-Southern House Democrats.

Over time, though, Southern Democrats became both fewer in number and more liberal – to the point where today, they account for only 22% of the House Democratic caucus, but ideologically are almost indistinguishable from their non-Southern colleagues (average scores of -0.383 and -0.381, respectively).

On the Republican side of the aisle, almost the exact opposite trend has occurred. Southerners made up less than 15% of the House GOP caucus 50 years ago but comprise about 42% of it today. And while Republicans in general have become more conservative, that’s been especially true of Southern Republicans in the House: Their DW-NOMINATE score has moved from about 0.29 (only slightly to the right of non-Southern Republicans) in 1971-72 to 0.57 in the current Congress, versus about 0.46 today for non-Southern House Republicans. (These trends are similar in the Senate, although only four of the 22 senators from former Confederate states are currently Democrats.)

The racial and ethnic makeup of both parties’ Southern lawmakers has changed considerably. In 1971-72, according to House records, only 12 African Americans served in the House and one in the Senate, and none were from the South. Of the five Hispanics in the House, two were from Texas (the lone Hispanic senator was from New Mexico). And the only Asian Americans or Pacific Islanders in Congress were Hawaii’s two senators (one Democrat, one Republican) and two representatives (both Democrats).

In the current Congress, 24 of the 50 House Democrats from the South are African American; seven are Hispanic; and two are Asian Americans or Pacific Islanders. (Rep. Bobby Scott of Virginia is of both African American and Filipino descent.) One of the four Democratic senators from the South (Raphael Warnock of Georgia) is African American. In contrast, only one of the 91 Southern House Republicans is Black (Byron Donalds of Florida); four others are Hispanic. One of the GOP’s 18 Southern senators is Black (Tim Scott of South Carolina) and two are Hispanic (Ted Cruz of Texas and Marco Rubio of Florida).

The “Fair and Balanced” reflex

Finally someone looks at the media coverage of Biden’s presidency

Who knew?

Anyone who reads this blog knows that I predicted this would happen. More than once. The MSM’s deep need to appease the right wing has been with us for decades and I saw no evidence that it had fundamentally changed. They treated the orange monster with appropriate scrutiny but I knew they would feel it necessary to “balance out the coverage” once a Democrat took office. Perry Bacon at the Washongton Post takes a look:

The mainstream media has played a huge, underappreciated role in President Biden’s declining support over the past year. Its flawed coverage model of politics and government is bad for more than just Biden — it results in a distorted national discourse that weakens our democracy. The media needs to find a different way to cover Washington.

One of the sharpest dips in Biden’s approval rating — which has dropped from 55 percent in January 2021 to less than 39 percent today — happened last August, when it declined almost five points in a single month. There wasn’t a huge surge in gas prices, nor some big legislative failure. What caused Biden’s dip was the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan — or, rather, the media’s 24/7, highly negative coverage of it.

To be clear, Biden deserved criticism. The early stages of the U.S. exit were tumultuous, with desperate Afghans clinging to U.S. military planes and massing outside the Kabul airport. The Taliban took control far more quickly than the administration anticipated. But for much of August, the homepages of major newspapers and cable news programs were dominated by Afghanistan coverage, as if the chaotic withdrawal was the only thing happening in the world. Journalists and outlets tore into the president, with Axios calling the withdrawal “Biden’s stain,” NBC News correspondent Richard Engel declaring that “history will judge this moment as a very dark period for the United States,” and CNN’s Jake Tapper asking an administration official on his show, “Does President Biden not bear the blame for this disastrous exit from Afghanistan?”

Biden’s poll numbers plunged, closely tracking the media hysteria. As The Post’s Dana Milbank wrote in December, data analysis showed a marked increase in negativity in media coverage of Biden that started last August. After the withdrawal, the media lumped other events into its “Biden is struggling” narrative: infighting among Democrats over the party’s agenda, Democrats’ weak performances in the New Jersey and Virginia gubernatorial races, rising inflation, and the surge of the delta and omicron variants. Biden’s role in these issues was often exaggerated — there are many causes of inflation besides Biden’s policies; presidents can’t stop the emergence of coronavirus variants. This anti-Biden coverage pattern remains in place.

Afghanistan was an important turning point in media coverage for two reasons. One, it provided journalists the big anti-Biden story that I think many of them were desperate to find. And it drove down Biden’s popularity with the public, giving the media justification for even more coverage that cast the president as struggling.

Biden coverage shifted in this direction because of the media’s long-standing biases toward bothsidesism and strong criticism of those in power. (When I say “mainstream media,” I’m referring to the news coverage in national newspapers such as The Post and the New York Times, major broadcasters such as CNN, wire services like the Associated Press, local newspapers and TV stations, and publications with elite audiences such as Axios and Politico. These outlets do not coordinate their reports, but they take cues from each other and have similar coverage approaches.I’m not referring to opinion pieces in these outlets or the work of news organizations that have a clear ideological bent.)

Reporters tend to view their role as a check on politicians. This means presidents are always covered skeptically — but when one party dominates Washington, the political media often scrutinizes that party’s president even more. Presidents Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump got very negative coverage at times when their parties also controlled Congress.

Also, the media’s “equally positive and negative to both sides” approach has been challenged by the increasingly radical and antidemocratic Republican Party. Honest coverage of political news often seems anti-GOP. The mainstream media covered Trump very harshly, particularly in the final months of his presidency as he worked to overturn election results. Some journalists, consciously or unconsciously, were poised to “balance” that negative Trump coverage with criticism of Biden, even if his actions weren’t nearly as deserving of condemnation. In the post-Trump era, leaders at CNN, the New York Times and other major outlets have emphasized that they don’t want to be perceived as more aligned with the Democrats.

In the first few months of 2021, many in the media focused on narratives that seemed like they could turn into big anti-Biden stories but didn’t pan out. Before most public schools were open, journalists focused on closures because Biden had pledged to get kids back in the classroom. Biden’s first news conference as president, in March 2021, featured numerous questions about a surge in migrants across the southern border and some about his 2024 plans, but not one on covid-19, which the administration seemed to be handling well.

In August, the hunt found its mark: the Afghanistan withdrawal. And as high inflation became entrenched, the media had a perpetual issue to ding the president on.

Relentless negative coverage is toxic for politicians. As University of Minnesota policy analyst Will Stancil has argued, U.S. news coverage often has a collective tenor, what he calls a “main signal.” This signal seeps from traditional news sources into social media, with stories shared on platforms such as Facebook and Twitter.

Biden’s arc shows what happens if this broad tenor turns against a politician. There seems to be a generalized frustration with him, as opposed to unhappiness over a single issue or two, even among people who don’t closely follow traditional news outlets or are generally supportive of his views.

The political strategy Team Biden took, focusing on showing the president competently managing the pandemic and the economy and reducing partisanship in Washington, was particularly harmed by the media’s coverage approach. It is difficult for a president to demonstrate competence with a media perpetually looking for something negative. For one thing, when Biden got an issue under control, such as coronavirus vaccine distribution, many journalists simply moved on to a new problem without crediting him much for fixing the old one. By making reduced political gridlock a metric of his success, Biden positioned himself to look bad when congressional Republicans and Sens. Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) blocked his proposals.

Now, Biden is polling worse than Trump was in July 2020, when thousands of people were dying each week of covid, a situation much worse than the real and serious problem of high inflation in the Biden era. You can’t credibly argue that Trump, with his constant inflammatory statements and incompetent management, was a better president than Biden. These poll numbers reflect something gone wrong.

And in my view, media coverage is a big factor in those warped polling results. Media commitment to “equal” coverage of both parties has resulted in a year and a half of coverage since Biden entered office that implies both parties are similarly bad, as if the surge of inflation and some of Biden’s policy mistakes rival a Republican Party that is actively undermining democracy in numerous ways, such as continuing to voice baseless claims of voter fraud in the 2020 presidential election, passing measures making it harder to vote, and gerrymandering so aggressively in states such as Wisconsin that elections are effectively meaningless.

Yes, I am calling for the media to cover Biden more positively. Not in the sense of declaring Biden a better man than Trump (though that is obviously true). Instead, political coverage should be grounded in highlighting the wide range of our problems and assessing whether politicians and parties are working toward credible solutions. Such a model would still produce a lot of stories about surging inflation, Afghanistan and other issues where Biden’s policies haven’t worked. But there would also be more stories about other issues important to Americans, even if they were going well under Biden (like the huge job growth during his tenure). Ideally, on every issue, the media would compare the Republican and Democratic solutions. You can see how this model might help Biden — but the bigger benefit would be to readers.

It’s too early to say whether Biden is a great or even good president. But most Americans aren’t getting a fair look at that question. Instead of telling us whether Biden is effective, the media has focused on showing that it is not too biased toward Democrats. Better that journalists actually cover America’s problems and whether Biden is solving them — or at least has better policies than the Republicans. That’s the kind of journalism we need.

He is 100% right and I’m very glad he wrote that in the Washington Post. I knew there would be a pile on but it’s been worse than I expected. Afghanistan was the beginning and it’s just snowballed ever since.

They’re coming for marriage equality

Don’t doubt it for a minute

The GOP’s most aggressive culture warrior, Ron DeSantis, gave the keynote address at the first annual “The Liberty Moms” meeting in Tampa, Florida last weekend. He was there to lend his explosive star power to their self-described agenda of “battling mask mandates in schools, banning library books that address sexuality and gender identity, and curtailing lessons on racial inequity and discrimination.” He is, in fact, their one true leader, using their authoritarian intimidation platform as his re-election agenda and possible springboard to the White House.

Considering his position as a general in the culture war, you’d think that DeSantis would be first in line with abortion bans and fugitive pregnant women laws like so many of his fellow GOP leaders. Instead, he stood by silently while the Attorney General of Ohio rushed right into the fray to doubt the now confirmed story of a 10-year-old rape victim who had to be transported to Indiana by her mother to obtain an abortion because she missed the 6-week deadline by 3 days. Not to be outdone, the Attorney General of Indiana immediately declared that he would investigate the doctor who performed the procedure even though abortion is still legal in the state (for the time being.) The state of Texas, meanwhile, got the conservative judiciary involved by suing the Biden administration over its guidance that emergency rooms are still obligated to perform abortions in case of a medical emergency, calling it an “attempt to use federal law to transform every emergency room in the country into a walk-in abortion clinic” and forcing “hospitals and doctors to commit crimes and risk their licensure under Texas law.” And with a bracing amount of clarity even Texas can’t claim, Idaho Republicans voted to reject a “life of the mother” exception from its party platform.

Talk about pushing the envelope.

And at the federal level, Senate Republicans helpfully blocked a bill that would have protected the right of pregnant people to travel from one state to another. It’s probably only a matter of days before a state passes a law restricting such movement.

These and other actions in red states all over the country show that DeSantis is behind the right-wing curve. He defended the state’s ban on abortions after 15 weeks, without exception for rape and incest, and blandly offered to “work to expand pro-life protections” — but that’s about it. Beyond that, he’s been uncharacteristically reluctant to wade into the greatest culture battle of our time. The New York Times explained that he is under pressure from Republicans to adopt the draconian measures that have electrified the anti-abortion zealots throughout the country but remains reluctant because he feels it might hurt his chances at re-election and a possible presidential run.

It’s rare for DeSantis to be out of step with the extreme right but on this one he is and in a big way.

One of the leaders of the far right legal movement, James Bopp, the counsel to National Right to Life, a leading activist curtailing voting rights, and the man who took Citizens United to the Supreme Court and won, wrote the abortion ban “model law” that’s being adopted all over the country. There are no exceptions for rape and incest, as he told Politico:

“She would have had the baby, and as many women who have had babies as a result of rape, we would hope that she would understand the reason and ultimately the benefit of having the child,”

There is no one in America more in touch with the hardcore right than James Bopp. This will be the new baseline. And because his template does generously allow for an exception to be made if the person being forced to give birth will die otherwise (subject to very stringent rules to be set by know-nothing fanatics in state houses) his position will be considered mainstream. That makes DeSantis a RINO by comparison.

The Florida governor and presidential hopeful does have one issue, however, which he can point to as being in the vanguard that might just get him off the hook: the reversal of LGBTQ rights. He’s a clever politician so he started off with the issue of transgender kids and has gradually expanded it to businesses, relationships with their gay employees, and more recently siccing child protective services on parents who take their kids to gay-friendly events like drag shows. (So much for parents’ rights.) He’s passed dystopian legislation that’s been dubbed the “don’t say gay” bill, which prohibits teachers from discussing gay issues in schools. He clearly believes an anti-LGBTQ crusade offers a fertile culture war battlefield.

That flies in the face of Republican messaging that says gay rights aren’t really on the agenda.

From Justice Samuel Alito, who assured the nation that his reasoning in the Dobbs decision overturning Roe v. Wade meant “nothing in this opinion should be understood to cast doubt on precedents that do not concern abortion,” to the right-wing zealot Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., who insisted he believes “that Obergefell was wrongly decided, but I also think that at this point it is also settled law. I’m not aware of any concerted effort to get Obergefell overturned, and I don’t think that this opinion will result in that happening,” Republican officials are generally working overtime to reassure the public that they don’t have any intention of overturning marriage equality.

Hawley’s statement that it’s “settled law” is patently absurd considering that the Supreme Court just overturned a constitutional right that was decided 50 years ago and upheld numerous times over all those decades while marriage equality was decided just 7 years ago. No one can be confident they won’t overturn it and “send it to the states” where citizens’ rights go to die.

They’re talking about it. Here is Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Tx., over the weekend:

https://twitter.com/MollyJongFast/status/1548445296501202944?s=20&t=xFkNI4qqW7dswsmsuDDzxQ

And lest anyone thinks this isn’t an official position of the Republican Party, they should take a look at the last GOP platform, carried over from 2016, in the part where they discuss appointing Supreme Court justices. They’ve only gotten more extreme since then:

Only such appointments will enable courts to begin to reverse the long line of activist decisions — including Roe, Obergefell, and the Obamacare cases — that have usurped Congress’s and states’ lawmaking authority, undermined constitutional protections,
expanded the power of the judiciary at the expense of the people and their elected representatives, and stripped the people of their power to govern themselves

The person who made that addition to the platform (and made sure that all inclusive language was kept out) was none other than James Bopp, the triumphant, right-wing, mastermind who represents National Right to Life. He’s an anti-LGBT warrior as well and he’s on a roll. Ron DeSantis is too. 

Salon

Sitting MAGA down for a talk

Jan. 6 was “way worse than we ever thought”

“Everything that you’ve ever feared is exactly what you was trying to install” on Jan. 6.

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Request a copy of For The Win, 4th Edition, my free, countywide get-out-the-vote planning guide for county committees at ForTheWin.us.

The Recent Unpleasantness

On our abundant capacity for willful blindness

Gallows erected outside U.S. Capitol, Jan. 6, 2021. Photo by Tyler Merbler via Flickr (CC BY 2.0).

As the Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the U.S. Capitol conducts its business this summer, the phrase “willful blindness” keeps popping up. Donald Trump’s followers rejected evidence that he lost the 2020 presidential election in favor of his pre-promoted fantasy that the election was stolen through massive fraud. Public evidence builds that his closest followers knew he’d lost. Trump knew he’d lost; advisers told him repeatedly. Acolytes blinded themselves to the truth, promoted a false narrative, provoked deadly violence, and pursued illegal means for Trump to cling to power.

Brought to you by the same political party that obscured torture with legal doublespeak and rebranded war crimes as “enhanced interrogation.”

Americans have a rich tradition of avoiding discomfiting facts through denial, euphemism and obfuscation. Especially those facts that upset the soft-focused, Hallmark version of American history we teach in schools and celebrate each July Fourth.

Siah Carter escaped his “owner”in 1862, rowed out to the USS Monitor and enlisted in the U.S. Navy. (Detail from Library of Congress photo.)

After over 600,000 died in “The Recent Unpleasantness” (a.k.a., the “War of Northern Aggression”), and after Reconstruction and withdrawal of occupying U.S. forces, Southerners launched a reign of terror to undo the “tyranny” of sharing power with people they formerly enslaved. They sought a return of the white-supremacist old order, “oftentimes backed up by mob and paramilitary violence, with the Ku Klux Klan, the White League, and the Red Shirts assassinating pro-Reconstruction politicians and terrorizing Southern blacks.” They reimposed slavery by other means and deployed propaganda to rehabilitate treason as the noble-sounding “Lost Cause.” Jim Crow laws, racial terror and over 4,000 lynchings reduced black citizens to effective serfdom that lasted another century.

Long before reputation repair was a marketable service, Southerners rebranded white supremacism “Redemption.” It’s a thing Americans do.

Conservative pundits in the latter part of 2020 seized on critical race theory (CRT), the academic theory about systemic racism. They needed a distraction from the nationwide protests of police violence against black Americans in the wake of the video-recorded police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis that May. Republican lawmakers in several states drafted legislation that banned teaching CRT in public primary and secondary schools where it was not being taught. They sought to ban curricula based on The New York Times Magazine ‘s “The 1619 Project” that focused attention on slavery’s impact on the nation’s founding and on its lingering aftereffects.

Florida’s legislation would prohibit making anyone in public institutions or private businesses from instruction that causes others to “feel discomfort, guilt, anguish, or any other form of psychological distress on account of his or her race, color, sex, or national origin.”

Of Kentucky’s analog, lawmakers there “say they don’t want students to feel guilt or discomfort during discussions about race,” reports Louisville’s public radio station WFPL.

Basically, history must never make white people uncomfortable. Germans had to reckon with their country’s crimes in the first half of the 20th century. American exceptionalism makes reckoning with past sins a rude imposition on these shores.

Getting Trump’s right-wing “patriots,” for example, to cop to mounting a violent insurrection at the U.S. Capitol in support of an autocoup by an autocrat-curious president is likely a fool’s errand. No sooner had they begun battling police hand-to-hand than they floated a narrative to spin their violence as a false-flag operation by leftists (who wisely heeded advice that day to stay home).

Should Republicans win back control of Congress in 2022 and the White House in 2024, they will face great pressure to disappear January 6th down the collective memory hole. Or else recast it as another Lost Cause, more recent unpleasantness best forgotten.

Rioters outside the Capitol shortly after Congress was evacuated, Jan. 6, 2021. Photo by Tyler Merbler via Flickr (CC BY 2.0).

The January 6th Committee’s efforts serve to forestall those efforts and to preserve an accurate history of the Trump insurrection and attempted coup. But the endurance of that history may depend on whether Americans hold those behind the Jan. 6 attack accountable, politically and criminally, instead of embracing the kind of willful blindness that inspired it.

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Request a copy of For The Win, 4th Edition, my free, countywide get-out-the-vote planning guide for county committees at ForTheWin.us.

Where are the abortion fights going to be waged?

Bolts magazine has put together a  guide to local elections where abortion is on the line this year:

Ever since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned federal protections for abortion, exhortations to vote have been deafening. But those calls can feel trite when they’re severed from a precise accounting of why it matters who holds power, or from the recognition that the usual paths to electoral change are blocked in many states. A bewildering patchwork of public officials will now have a greater say on who can exercise their reproductive freedom, and at what risk—there are thousands of prosecutors, sheriffs, lawmakers, judges on the ballot just this fall—and for many citizens, the sheer scale of that mosaic can feel paralyzing.

This guide walks you through how concretely the 2022 midterms will shape abortion access. 

We identify nine questions that touch on reproductive rights that state and local elections will decide, and the critical battles that will help answer them. The guide successively covers the meaning of state constitutions, the viability of new laws, and matters of law enforcement.

This guide is just one small slice. The elections mentioned, which cover 21 states, are by no means exhaustive: There are many other races playing out along similar lines for offices that will wield power over these issues for years to come. Still, we hope to give you a taste of the enormous range of powers held by state and local officials, and some of the ways that candidates on all sides are getting creative in how they’d use these in the wake of the Dobbs decision.

What are the candidates running for prosecutor saying in your county, if there’s an election? What about those running for sheriff and attorney general, governor and judge? The very need to ask these questions underscores the magnitude of the loss of federal protections, though local and state conflicts over the issue are by no means new; and that means many candidates already have long histories and some ideas when it comes to how they will approach abortion access.

Click here for the list. It may provide a good guide as to where to put some money if you’re so inclined. You will be shocked at how long the list is. Oh my. Whether we like it or not, this particular war is now going to be fought on dozens of different battlefields.