Skip to content

Month: August 2022

Let it be so

Take the win, for heaven’s sake

Axios:

Inexperienced Republican candidates are threatening to cost Mitch McConnell a long-anticipated Senate majority in this year’s midterms.

The big picture: The GOP roster is filled with Trump-endorsed celebrities who’ve never run political campaigns — former NFL star Herschel Walker in Georgia, Mehmet Oz in Pennsylvania and best-selling author J.D. Vance in Ohio.

Driving the news: The winner in this week’s Arizona’s GOP contest, Blake Masters — a venture capitalist who ran an unconventional primary comparing his candidacy to a tech startup — has resisted hiring political strategists to help tailor his message for a general election, according to Republican sources familiar with his campaign.

Why it matters: Despite a favorable political environment for Republicans, these nominees are trailing in recent public polls.

Meantime, since Saturday night Senate Democrats have toiled their way through vote-a-rama on the Inflation Reduction Act (Washington Post):

More than 13 hours into a slow-moving debate, party lawmakers appeared on track to deliver the political centerpiece of President Biden’s long-stalled economic agenda. The looming vote marked an astonishing coda to months of infighting in the Democratic ranks among liberals pushing ambitious economic reforms and the more cautious centrists.

Dubbed the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, the proposal makes good on Democrats’ years-old pledge to try to reduce seniors’ prescription drug costs. It also authorizes the largest-ever single burst of spending to tackle global warming, totaling roughly $370 billion, with the goal of boosting clean energy and reducing planet-warming emissions by 40 percent by 2030.

There is plenty more to crow about in the bill scaled down from Joe Biden’s Build Back Better package. Is it everything on the progressive wish list? No. But for heaven’s sake, take the win and don’t piss and moan about what couldn’t get by Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema. If Democrats hope to do more they’ll have to hold the House and Senate in November. Cheer for them delivering for the American people. (Fingers crossed for the bill that could pass the Senate as early as today.)

It’s not enough for Republicans to shoot themselves in the foot. Democrats need to shout their successes from rooftops and campaign like crazy … while reminding Americans at every turn that the Party of Lincoln has lost its faith and its soul. It is now the party of Vladimir Putin, Viktor Orbán, and the twice-impeached coup plotter Donald Trump. Or worse.

● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

Request a copy of For The Win, 4th Edition, my free, countywide get-out-the-vote planning guide for county committees at ForTheWin.us.

This isn’t a political party

Business as usual is foolhardy and dangerous

“You can’t just abandon half the country to extremism,” David Pepper (“Laboratories of Autocracy“) warns Jane Mayer. Ohio Democrats’ former state chair figures prominently in Mayer’s New Yorker portrait of democratic decay in once-moderate Ohio. Pepper has raised that alarm in Twitter white-board videos all year.

Conservative backlash to Barack Obama’s 2008 election has driven Republicans further to the right over the last decade. Ohio is a case study. But the process is replicated in state houses across the country. Arizona, Indiana, North Carolina, and Wisconsin are just a few.

Pepper calls for Democrats to stop putting all their funding into U.S. House, Senate, and gubernatorial races and more on statehouses where gerrymandering is collapsing democracy rapidly. Business as usual is foolhardy and dangerous.

“My God, Democrats, don’t you see it? It’s the statehouse, stupid! That’s where the attack is happening!”

Pepper spotlights Ohio Republicans’ contempt for legislative and judicial restraints on display in a set of unpopular laws loosening gun regulations and the recent abortion ban that sent a raped Ohio 10 year-old to Indiana for an abortion. Indiana Republicans on Friday closed off that option.

Republicans have insulated themselves from the popular will. Their contempt for democracy is palpable in recent gerrymandering lawsuits, as Allison Russo, the minority leader in the House, told Mayer:

This past spring, an extraordinary series of legal fights were playing out. The Ohio Supreme Court struck down the map—and then struck down four more, after the Republican majority on the redistricting commission continued submitting maps that defied the spirit of the court’s orders. The chief justice of the Ohio Supreme Court was herself a Republican. Russo told me, “If norms were being obeyed, we would expect that there would have been an effort to follow the first Ohio Supreme Court decision. But that simply didn’t happen.”

The Republicans’ antics lasted so long that they basically ran out the clock. Election deadlines were looming, and the makeup of Ohio’s districts still hadn’t been settled. “They contrived a crisis,” Russo told me. At that point, a group allied with the Republicans, Ohio Right to Life, urged a federal court to intervene, on the ground that the delay was imperilling the fair administration of upcoming elections. The decision was made by a panel of three federal judges—two of whom had been appointed by Trump. Over the strenuous objection of the third judge, the two Trump judges ruled in the group’s favor, allowing the 2022 elections to proceed with a map so rigged that Ohio’s top judicial body had rejected it as unconstitutional.

On Twitter, Bill Seitz, the majority leader of the Ohio House, jeered at his Democratic opponents: “Too bad so sad. We win again.” He continued, “Now I know it’s been a tough night for all you libs. Pour yourself a glass of warm milk and you will sleep better. The game is over and you lost.”

Ohio Democrats, including David Pepper, are outraged. “The most corrupt state in the country was told more than five times that it was violating the law, and then the federal court said it was O.K.,” he told me. “If you add up all the abnormalities, it’s a case study—we’re seeing the disintegration of the rule of law in Ohio. They intentionally created an illegal map, and are laughing about it.”

Pepper emphasizes, “this is not a democracy to them anymore.”

The Lincoln Project looks at the Trumpist embrace of Hungarian strongman Viktor Orbán, a featured speaker at CPAC this weekend in Texas, and sees an authoritarian movement with frightening parallels:

Former Illinois Republican congressman Joe Walsh looks at the mock jail cell antics on display at CPAC this weekend with alarm. Americans are just “having a hard time wrapping our arms around the fact that this is who this party is,” Walsh told CNN’s Jim Acosta. CPAC attendees deny that Jan. 6 was “a big deal or a bad thing.”

“My former political party is fully anti-democracy,” Walsh tells CNN. “It is a fascist political party … that embraces authoritarianism.”

Klaxons are sounding and people are going about business as usual.

● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

Request a copy of For The Win, 4th Edition, my free, countywide get-out-the-vote planning guide for county committees at ForTheWin.us.

Can companies afford to stay in states that ban abortions?

Eli Lilly doesn’t say they are leaving the state. But they won’t be growing there. Their footprint in Indianapolis will be smaller and may eventually leave if it become too difficult to run their business outside the state while their headquarters is in Indiana.You can be certain that very few young scientists, engineers or business people will want to live there:

They have no choice. The extremists are rejecting science and personal liberty. How can they stay there?

Speaking of social media game

The Fettermans have it

Tom mentioned earlier how good Fetterman is at sounding like a real person which, surprise, people like. His wife is great too:

Anyone who trusts Republicans to fund maternal health care (or anything, really) is a fool

These promises will vaporize within a year

The NY Times reports on GOP candidates realizing that their far right lunacy may not be as popular among voters as it is on Truth Social and Gab:

Republican candidates, facing a stark reality check from Kansas voters, are softening their once-uncompromising stands against abortion as they move toward the general election, recognizing that strict bans are unpopular and that the issue may be a major driver in the fall campaigns.

In swing states and even conservative corners of the country, several Republicans have shifted their talk on abortion bans, newly emphasizing support for exceptions. Some have noticeably stopped discussing details at all. Pitched battles in Republican-dominated state legislatures have broken out now that the Supreme Court has made what has long been a theoretical argument a reality.

In Pennsylvania, Doug Mastriano, the Republicans’ ardently anti-abortion candidate for governor, has lately taken to saying “the people of Pennsylvania” will “decide what abortion looks like” in the state, not the governor. In Minnesota, Scott Jensen, a family physician who said in March that he would “try to ban abortion” as governor, said in a video released before the Kansas vote that he does support some exceptions: “If I’ve been unclear previously, I want to be clear now.”

“If we are going to ban abortion, there are things we’ve got to do to make sure the need for abortion is reduced, and that women are not endangered,” said Representative Nancy Mace, Republican of South Carolina, who won an exemption for rape and incest in her state’s abortion law as a state representative. Now, she says Republicans need to press to expand access to gynecological and obstetrics care, contraception, including emergency contraception, and even protect the right of women to leave their states to get an abortion without fear of prosecution.

Messaging alone will not free the G.O.P. from accusations that it is out of step with voters. Several Republican-led states have passed abortion bans that do not include allowances for victims of rape or incest, including Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana and Texas. While all bans allow an exception to save the life of the woman, those in some states do not also cite protection of her health.

On Friday, after a prolonged debate, the Indiana House approved a ban that included exceptions for rape, incest and the life and physical health of the mother.

Republican are also contending with drumbeat of news after the Supreme Court’s decision, including the story of a 10-year-old rape victim in Indiana who crossed state lines to receive an abortion, and headlines about women who confronted serious health problems under new, far-reaching restrictions or bans.

On Thursday, Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida, who has recently avoided talking about abortion, suspended a state attorney from Hillsborough County who refused to prosecute people who try to provide abortions prohibited by the state’s new 15-week ban, prompting angry recriminations from Democrats.

The recalibration for some began before voters of deeply Republican Kansas voted overwhelmingly on Tuesday against removing abortion rights from the state’s constitution. Since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, retracting the constitutional right to the procedure, many Republicans were slow to detail what would come next. As they rush to enact long-promised laws, Republican-led legislatures have learned how difficult banning abortion can be.

“Not just the pro-choice movement but the pro-life movement was caught by surprise” by the Supreme Court, said Brandon Steele, a West Virginia delegate who pressed for an abortion ban without exceptions in a special session of the legislature that ended this week with the Republican supermajority stymied. “Without having the talking points, without being told what to do, legislators had to start saying what they were actually going to do. You could see the confusion in the room.”

“We’re finding out who is really pro-life and who is pro-life only to get elected, not just in West Virginia but across the country,” Mr. Steele said.

In Indiana, the special session of the state legislature to consider a ban has included brutal debates over whether to include exemptions and how far those exemptions should go.

“For some it’s very black and white: if you’re pro-life with no exceptions or if you’re pro-choice with no restrictions,” said State Senator Kyle Walker, an Indiana Republican who said abortion should be legal during at least the first trimester of pregnancy. “When you are in the gray area, you are forced to reconcile in your own mind where your own limits are.”

For months, Republicans have maintained that abortion rights would be a footnote in a midterm campaign driven by the worst inflation in 40 years, crime, immigration and a Democratic president whose approval ratings are mired around 40 percent.

That is still the public line, even after the Kansas referendum, where voters faced a single issue, not the multiplicity of factors they will be considering in November.

But the reality on the campaign trail is different. Sarah Longwell, a Republican pollster, said in her focus groups that swing voters do bring up inflation and the economy when asked what issues are on their minds. But when prompted to discuss abortion, real passion flares. That indicates that if Democrats can prosecute a campaign to keep the issue front and center, they will find an audience, she said.

Here’s what they have “planned”:

In Minnesota, Dr. Jensen, the Republican candidate expected to take on Gov. Tim Walz, suggested it was interactions with voters after the fall of Roe that, he said, prompted him to clarify his position on abortion.

“Once the Roe v. Wade decision was overturned, we told Minnesota, and basically told everybody that we would engage in a conversation,” he said. “During that conversation, I learned of the need for me to elaborate on my position.”

That elaboration included embracing a family and maternity leave program, promoting a $2,500-per-child adoption tax credit, and improving access to birth control, including providing oral contraceptives over the counter with a price ceiling. And, like Adam Laxalt, the G.O.P. Senate nominee in Nevada, Dr. Jensen pointed to abortion protections already in place in Minnesota to cast the matter as settled rather than on the ballot this year.

However, they have a little problem:

Republicans who moderate their views must still contend with a core base of support that remains staunchly anti-abortion. Abortion opponents said Thursday that Republican candidates should not read too much into the Kansas vote, a single-issue referendum with language that was criticized by voters on both sides as confusing.

“Regardless of what the consultant class is telling the candidates, they would be wise to recognize that the right-to-life community is an important constituency and an important demographic of voters,” warned Penny Nance, chief executive and president of Concerned Women for America, a conservative organization that opposes abortion rights.

These people are very powerful and have been working in the states for a very long time. They ae not going to stand for any “moderation.” And everyone else realizes that this is just moving the goalposts by calling it moderation to say they’ll “support” women who are forced to give birth against their will and maybe they’ll allow rape and incest victims (who can prove it) to have abortions on a strict timetable. There is nothing moderate about any of that.

After the Kansas vote, Democrats stepped up efforts to squeeze their opponents between a conservative base eager for quick action to ban all abortions and a broader electorate that wants no such thing. Representative Elaine Luria, a moderate Democrat running in a Republican-leaning district in southeastern Virginia, released a new advertisement against her Republican opponent, Jen Kiggans, painting her as “too extreme” on abortion. Ms. Luria had initially said she would campaign on her work for the district and her support for the Navy, a big force in the region, but the landscape has shifted. Ms. Kiggans’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

A group aligned with the Democratic Governors Association is already advertising off abortion-related remarks made by Tudor Dixon of Michigan, who won the Republican nomination for governor this week.

“If you take Tudor Dixon at her word when it comes to outlawing abortion, she’s told us exactly who she is,” the spot, titled “No Exceptions,” intones, featuring clips of Ms. Dixon highlighting her opposition to a range of abortion-related exceptions. Ms. Dixon was unambiguous about her position earlier this summer, writing on Twitter, “My only exception is to protect the LIFE of the mother.”

These people are all on the record as far right extremists and the Democrats are going to hang it around their necks. It’s not just about abortion. It’s symbolic of their extremism on everything. They made this bed and now they’re between a normal rock and a batshit crazy hard place.

A Beautiful Tribute to Vin

LA’s poet laureate

From Harold Meyerson:

I was eight when the Dodgers moved to Los Angeles, and with a father who was born and raised in Brooklyn, whose firm had season tickets which they renewed year after year, it was foreordained that I’d grow up a Dodger fan.

What was not foreordained was that we’d listen to Dodger broadcasts every evening they played. That was Vin Scully’s doing.

I was too young to fully appreciate Scully when the Dodgers first arrived, but by their second year in town, once I’d reached the ripe age of nine, I already was in awe of his talents. I know this because I still clearly remember one of his 1959 broadcasts, and how he conveyed what any other sportscaster—hell, any other broadcast journalist—wouldn’t have thought an occasion to become a narrative artist. A rapid-fire narrative artist at that.

The occasion was an argument that broke out among Dodger manager Walter Alston, Giants manager Bill Rigney, and whoever the home-plate and third-base umpires were. When Willie Mays was at bat, he bounced a fly ball off either the left-field foul pole or the netting around it at the L.A. Coliseum, the Dodgers’ makeshift home field until the construction of Dodger Stadium had been completed. At question was whether Mays’s long fly was a home run or was still in play, in which case, as Mays had stopped at second, it was a double.

Initially, the umpires couldn’t decide, which sent both Alston and Rigney scurrying onto the field to help frame their deliberations. As each yakked at the umps, Scully began treating the argument almost as a prizefight, noting when the managers broke into shouts, when they propounded learnedly on obscure rules, when they bobbed and when they weaved. Then, the umps ruled it was a homer, which led Alston to brandish his home-court expertise on the vagaries of the netting the Dodgers had erected in left field, at which point Scully began interspersing his own appreciation of the geometric complexities involved while still maintaining his ringside patter.

Then, abruptly, the umps changed their mind and said, yes, the ball had indeed bounced off the netting, not the pole, and thus had been in play and was a double after all. “Alston walks away like a Philadelphia lawyer who’s just won his case,” Scully said, “and now it’s Rigney’s turn to fry. His gray hair glistening under the lights, he slams his fist into his hands, looks up to the heavens as if to appeal to the gods …”

I can still remember the exact words, 63 years later. If anything is proof of Scully’s talents as a broadcaster, it’s that.

Unlike basketball or hockey, baseball is a slow game (it wasn’t as slow then as it is now, alas), and thus lends itself to extensions of the broadcaster’s art. For one thing, it enables a broadcaster to convey the mood of the moment, an art at which Scully was unsurpassed. I remember listening, as it unfolded, to his soon-to-become-famous 1965 broadcast of the ninth inning of Sandy Koufax’s fourth no-hitter and his one perfect game. What Scully managed to do, by picking up details of the players’ and even the fans’ behavior, was convey how just how thick the tension was.

The transcript of that ninth-inning broadcast appears in a classic anthology of baseball writing, alongside articles by Ring Lardner, John Updike, Philip Roth, Red Smith, Heywood Broun, and James Thurber. Just reading it re-creates the tension of the moment and makes clear Scully’s ability, as a spoken-word writer, to set a mood. Again, it’s in the depiction of the details. Some excerpts:

[Here, Koufax is in between pitches to the inning’s first batter] You can almost taste the pressure now. Koufax lifted his cap, ran his fingers through his black hair, and pulled the cap back down, fussing at the bill. Krug [the batter] must feel it, too, as he backs out, heaves a sigh, took off his helmet, put it back on, and steps back up to the plate …

The 1-2 pitch on the way: curve ball, tapped foul off to the left of the plate. The Dodgers defensively in this spine-tingling moment: Sandy Koufax and [catcher] Jeff Torborg. The boys who will try to stop anything hit their way: [infielders] Wes Parker, Dick Tracewski, Maury Wills and John Kennedy …

There are 29,000 people in the ballpark, and a million butterflies … Koufax into his windup and the 1-2 pitch: fast ball, fouled back out of play. In the Dodger dugout, Al Ferrara gets up and walks down near the runway, and it begins to get tough to be a teammate and have to watch …

Novelistic, that Scully; cinematic as well—cutting, as Hitchcock would, to details that build the suspense.

Scully was never pretentious, but he could drop in a literary allusion when, and only when, it provided the mot juste. As he did once during one very early-season Dodgers-Giants game when the great Giant pitcher Juan Marichal, near the end of his career, his fastball gone and his curveball not breaking, was on the mound endeavoring, not very successfully, to summon just enough zip to get him through the inning.

“Watching Marichal struggle,” Scully said, “calls to mind the line of the poet: ‘April is the cruelest month, mixing memory with desire.’”

When editor Charles Einstein first ran Scully’s transcript of Koufax’s perfect game in his collection of baseball writings, he was accused, Einstein later wrote, “of having edited the thing with an eye toward improving its grammar. No broadcaster, the letter writers said, could conceivably speak that brilliantly ad lib. The letter writers are right: such presentation is improbable in the extreme. But the truth is that Scully’s account is taken verbatim from the untouched tape recording of his broadcast.”

Which is why Scully’s brilliance had special appeal to his fellow masters of the word. One such master, Groucho Marx, once remarked of Scully, in uncharacteristic seriousness, that “I can’t think of anyone who’s given me more pleasure.”

Scully’s place in the history of sports and sports narration is secure, but his place in the history of Los Angeles isn’t fully appreciated. In the Dodgers’ first years in L.A., when they played in the cavernous Coliseum, where fans could find themselves in seats hundreds of yards from the action, thousands of them routinely brought transistor radios (in those days, an innovation as ubiquitous as the iPhone is in ours) to the games to hear Scully tell them what they were straining to see, adding his own inimitable context. Both at the park and beyond, he was L.A.’s nighttime talker, engaging many more Angelenos than the local talk radio guys ever reached.

Coming when they did, the Dodgers and Scully arrived in what was still a somewhat provincial city. Otis Chandler was still several years away from taking over the L.A. Times and turning it from a hometown boosterish and reliably Republican rag into a serious, sometimes great, newspaper. The theater scene was largely nonexistent; the art scene was innovative but confined to a handful of ateliers; UCLA and USC had not yet become intellectually significant; rock had yet to find its homes on the Sunset Strip and in Laurel Canyon; a committee of green-eyeshade businessmen still ran politics as if the city were a small town. What was new and first-rate and universally accessible was Scully at the mic—an overture of sorts to the breakouts and breakthroughs the city would attain in the ’60s and ’70s in so many disparate arenas. Scully portended a city on the rise.

I was probably fated to become a writer, for which any number of people, beginning with my parents, are to blame. It was Murray Kempton who taught me what a column could do; Michael Harrington who taught me how to think dialectically; Jonathan Swift who showed me how rage can be expressed through humor. But it was Vin Scully, I think, who made me fall in love with words and first showed me how they can summon a scene and spark an evening. Not to saddle the guy with that now that he’s gone and can’t issue disclaimers, but there it is.

Nuts

Day 2 of CPAC

Following up on Tom’s post below — it’s just astonishing how crazy these people are.

Patriot pack!

Spoke to a guy who made the switch from T-Mobile over to Patriot Mobile today. He has no idea what the coverage is like but said he wants a service provider that reflects his values.

Ted Cruz doing a meet n greet at the Patriot Mobile booth

Im told its a Cabernet

I was hoping Kash Patel would read his childrens book aloud to me but he refuses to speak to me. (Worth noting that Kash Patel currently among those former DoD officials whose texts around J6 were wiped).

Watching Marjorie Taylor Greene now. Her session is about her wanting her committee assignments back. They were stripped from her after she spoke at a white nationalist conference in February. She’s got a full audience here

“When I said I’m a Christian nationalist, I had nothing to be ashamed of. Because that’s what most Americans are”

Pizzagate guy Jack Posobiec leading a session on “The New Right”.

“Rise of the American Gulag” panel. Brandon Straka and Kash Patel going IN on Andy Biggs (also on panel) for not doing enough to help J6 prisoners. Crowd booing Biggs. Now Biggs in effort to recover his standing is calling to defund “bad agencies” like DOJ and FBI

Maybe not a big surprise but I’ve been catching some heat for wearing a mask here. I’ve explained, nicely, each time that I’m being extra cautious bc I’m getting married in a few weeks & don’t want to get sick.”Getting sick from what?” one woman just said. “You must be a leftist”

Ran into Enrique Tarrio’s mum (on the left)

A unique tshirt

Brandon Straka was the man in a cage today. People listened to audio accounts from J6 prisoners on headphones. They wept. And threw money at him.

Then … Marjorie Taylor Greene showed up and got in the cage with him

People recited the Lords Prayer.

Some of the strangest political theater I’ve ever seen

Originally tweeted by Tess Owen (@misstessowen) on August 5, 2022.

It’s not a cult

… and to the republic for which they no longer stand

But at least they know they’re free-dom!

MAGA believes in the Holy Trinity:

MAGA opposes groomers:

Whatever this is:

Um, that a commie assault rifle, Mr. America First.

Photo by Kimberly Leonard/Insider.

Or maybe it’s not a cult:

● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

Request a copy of For The Win, 4th Edition, my free, countywide get-out-the-vote planning guide for county committees at ForTheWin.us.

The Gospel According to Sherrod

Do Democrats have ears to hear?

Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio). Photo 2019 by Marc Nozell via Flickr (CC BY 2.0).

Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio is one of the few Democrats naturally adept at “Speaking American,” as David Kusnet urged 30 years ago. John Fetterman, Democrats’ candidate for Senate in Pennsylvania, is as well.

Dan Pfeiffer spoke of Fetterman’s style in his Friday newsletter. Jon Favreau, his Pod Save America co-host, advises politicians to “talk like a human.” Drop the jargon, the acronyms, and the “focus group applesauce-esque verbiage that reeks of everything people hate about politicians.” The Fetterman Campaign, writes Pfeiffer, “looks and feels different. It’s entertaining and attention-grabbing. They are confident in their message and content. John Fetterman talks to his voters the way he talks to his friends.” Fetterman considers a Carhartt hoodie and shorts “Western PA business casual.”

The tousled-haired Brown is a bit more polished in his essay for The American Prospect. He reminisces sadly about his upbringing in Mansfield, Ohio.

Brown calls out the greed that drove American companies there to relocate first to the South, then to Mexico, then offshore in the name of “efficiency”—business-school-speak for “pay workers less.” What businesses became more efficient at was destroying people’s lives and desiccating once-thriving towns. This, especially for “people outside big coastal cities and people without college degrees or inherited wealth.”

What trickled down was bitterness all the way to the political sewer:

Their hard work doesn’t pay off like it used to. And for women and people of color—who make up more of these voters than the national media narrative ever portrays—hard work has never paid off the way it should.

All these Americans are desperate for more stability and security in their lives. But they wonder if things will ever get better. They think politicians have forgotten them.

The people I grew up with knew that Republicans would sell them out to corporations—Bush negotiating NAFTA, Gingrich fighting to bring China into the WTO, Trump granting corporate tax breaks. That surprised no one.

But many Democrats’ active encouragement of the corporate outsourcing agenda came as a shocking betrayal. Those decisions stung much worse coming from the party of Roosevelt—the party that for generations these workers had trusted to be on their side.

Brown sees potential now for Democrats to rebuild that lost trust in depressed and rural places Democrats all but abandoned to the GOP:

Democrats just passed the kind of industrial policy we haven’t seen in many decades, to build out domestic supply chains of key inputs like semiconductors.

It will create the kind of jobs that too many communities have lost. And it sends a clear message to these Americans that we have not forgotten them.

None of this requires compromising on our values. A commitment to populist economics and fair trade isn’t just compatible with a commitment to social justice—the two naturally go together. One need only read Martin Luther King’s dozens of speeches to unions, and ponder what he was doing when he was killed, to remember the deep connection between workers’ rights and civil rights.

A relentless focus on populist economics wins out over Republicans’ manufactured culture war.

Except while American business got busy manufacturing overseas, American conservatives were busy exploiting displaced workers’ social and economic anxieties. They manufactured a rogues’ gallery of scapegoats for their culture war, and a well-funded infrastructure to sustain it year after year.

“We are supposed to be the workers’ party,” Brown insists. “Democrats must be that party again.” If they will listen.

Is there still time? The $1 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act signed last November will, like Eisenhower’s Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956, take years to affect Americans outside the cities. The political mood is so foul that members of Congress who supported that bill over the former president’s objections received death threats.

You can’t win if you don’t show up to play. The president from Scranton gets that, as Brown does, as Howard Dean did.

A major obstacle Democrats face is that their party’s political infrastructure in counties outside urban centers is so degraded that rural Democrats have little with which to fight. In counties below 100,000 in population here in North Carolina, I calculate that unaffiliated voters, now the largest tranche of the electorate, are not as swingy as believed. They vote with Republicans and help them dominate the legislature. There will be no quick fix for that. But there will be no fix at all if we do not start.

● ● ● ● ● ● ● ●

Request a copy of For The Win, 4th Edition, my free, countywide get-out-the-vote planning guide for county committees at ForTheWin.us.