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Month: April 2023

The Georgia case won’t be announced until July

What’s going on?

NBC News legal analyst Lisa Rubin:

Folks have been asking me, since this story broke, “Why is Fani Willis waiting until at least July 11 to announce her charging decision?” That’s a reasonable question–and I *think* there’s a logical explanation.

Recall that last week, Willis’s office moved to disqualify a lawyer representing 10 of Georgia’s fake electors. They had two grounds: First, that she did not, contrary to representations by her then-co-counsel, communicate immunity offers to certain of her clients.

Second, they revealed that in meetings with prosecutors on 4/12 and 4/14, certain of that lawyer’s clients accused another fake elector — and fellow client — of committing “acts that are violations of Georgia law.”

Because of the “impracticable and ethical mess” the lawyer created, the D.A.’s office has moved to disqualify her from representing ANY of the 10 electors, all of whom were notified last year they were targets of the investigation.

That means 10 people — some of whom remain targets, others of whom are cooperators or exploring cooperation — likely need new lawyers.

And here’s where it gets really interesting: In Fulton County, GA, the terms of the court run for two months and begin each of the first Mondays in January, March, May, July, September, and November.

And given that Willis does not know how soon a court will resolve the disqualification motion, she also might be hesitant to bring her case before a regular grand jury now. Once she starts, she has roughly eight weeks, and she can’t afford to blow it.

My guess, therefore, is that Willis remains confident in her case and eager to move forward, but for this new wrinkle that might not be solved within the week–but should be in the rear-view mirror by July 11.

Originally tweeted by Lisa Rubin (@lawofruby) on April 24, 2023.

Moneyball for television

Tucker’s model is what cost them 787,500 million dollars

Nicholas Confessore wrote a major Tucker Carlson expose last year which convinced me that Carlson is a man totally motivated by money and not much more. He is so venal that he will literally say anything in pursuit of his goals. This seems like a good day to post the summary of that article. The man is a blight on humanity:

Night after night on Fox, Tucker Carlson weaponizes his viewers’ fears and grievances to create what may be the most racist show in the history of cable news. It is also, by some measures, the most successful.

With singular influence — reaching far beyond Fox and the viewers who tune in to his show — Mr. Carlson has filled the vacuum left by Donald J. Trump, championing the former president’s most ardent followers and some of their most extreme views. As fervently as he has raced to the defense of the Jan. 6 rioters, so has he sown doubt and suspicion around immigrants, Black Lives Matter protesters or Covid-19 vaccines.

A New York Times examination of Mr. Carlson’s career, including interviews with dozens of friends and former colleagues, and an analysis of more than 1,100 episodes of his Fox program, shows how he has grown increasingly sympathetic to the nativist currents coursing through U.S. politics, and how intertwined his rise has been with the transformations of his network and of American conservatism.

Here are some key takeaways from “American Nationalist,” The Times’s threepart series on Mr. Carlson.

Years of talking points from the far-right fringe

Last spring, Mr. Carlson caused an uproar when he promoted on air the notion of the “great replacement” — a racist conspiracy theory, once relegated to the far-right fringe, that Western elites are importing “obedient” immigrant voters to disempower the native-born. The Anti-Defamation League called for his firing, noting that such thinking had helped fuel a string of terrorist attacks.

But this was hardly something new for Mr. Carlson. In more than 400 episodes, the Times analysis found, he has amplified the idea that a cabal of elites want to force demographic change through immigration.

Mr. Carlson’s producers often trawl the web for supporting material. In the show’s early years, clips would sometimes be sent to the network’s fact checkers, who would occasionally discover that a story had actually originated farther afield, on a racist or neo-Nazi site like Stormfront.

In a statement, Justin Wells, a senior executive producer overseeing Mr. Carlson’s show, defended the host’s rhetoric and choice of topics: “Tucker Carlson programming embraces diversity of thought and presents various points of view in an industry where contrarian thought and the search for truth are often ignored.”

He put Trumpism over Trump

In the White House, Mr. Trump had a symbiotic relationship with Fox: watching, tweeting, talking frequently to the network’s hosts. But that presented Mr. Carlson with a programming problem as his new show ascended to Fox’s marquee 8 p.m. time slot: He wanted to reach the Trump base, he told friends and co-workers, but without being beholden to the mercurial president. The solution: embrace Trumpism, not Mr. Trump.

The show would grasp the emotional core of Mr. Trump’s allure — white panic over the country’s changing ethnic composition — while keeping a carefully measured distance from the president. Mr. Carlson sometimes even criticized the president, and in private, he mocked Mr. Trump’s habit of phoning to head off on-air attacks.

He sought out stories, one friend observed, that were sometimes “really weird” and often inaccurate but tapped into viewers’ fears of a trampled-on American culture. He inveighed against Macy’s, for instance, for introducing a line of hijabs, likening it to promoting genital mutilation.

As Tucker goes, so goes Fox

Mr. Carlson forged a relationship with Lachlan Murdoch, heir apparent of the Fox empire, and cultivated a perception within the network that the two men were close. As his show became the highest-rated cable news program in prime time, Fox looked to its success as a model for a broader transformation.

Inside the network, journalists and commentators clashed over what many saw as a creeping invasion of the news division by allies of the higher-rated, pro-Trump prime-time hosts.

While Mr. Murdoch and Fox executives have often couched their defense of “Tucker Carlson Tonight” as a protection of free inquiry and controversial opinions, Mr. Carlson’s on-air provocations have long been something else: part of a painstaking, data-driven experiment that has succeeded wildly in bolstering Fox’s profit machine against the long-term decline in cable news subscriptions.

According to three former Fox employees, Mr. Carlson was among the network’s most avid consumers of what are known as minute-by-minutes — ratings data on an audience’s real-time ebb and flow. “He is going to double down on the white nationalism because the minute-by-minutes show that the audience eats it up,” said a former employee who worked frequently with Mr. Carlson.

Network executives soon began applying the approach to the daytime news shows. They pitched it as “Moneyball” for television: an audience-first approach to deciding what to cover and how to cover it.

Journalists on Fox’s daytime shows discerned a pattern to what the audience didn’t like: segments featuring Fox’s own reporters, stories deemed unfavorable to Mr. Trump, left-leaning or independent guests. Immigration, on the other hand, was a hit.

Network executives ordered up so much coverage of illegal immigrants or nonwhite Americans caught in acts of crime or violence that some employees referred to it by a grim nickname: “brown menace.”

Dismay and dissent within the network

A string of segments in 2018 about the gruesome murders of farmers in South Africa, which Mr. Carlson suggested were part of a campaign by that country’s Black-led government to seize white-owned land, sparked a rare high-level dispute inside Fox.

Brian Jones, then the president of Fox Business Network and the highest-ranking Black man in Fox leadership, explained to senior executives that Mr. Carlson’s coverage had been ripped from far-right sites, and that almost everything Mr. Carlson was saying on air was wrong. But Mr. Jones was overruled, and the coverage continued. Mr. Trump tweeted that his administration would “closely study” the seizure of white-owned land and the “large-scale killing of farmers.” Alt-right and neo-Nazi figures cheered the propaganda coup.

Later that year, Fox journalists discovered another reason for concern. An organizational chart loaded into the company’s new employee portal showed a controversial figure named Peter Brimelow — founder of the nativist website VDare — reporting directly to Rupert Murdoch. Employees who asked about his apparent role at Fox were told that Mr. Brimelow was helping with Mr. Murdoch’s memoirs — a project that most people thought their boss had abandoned in the 1990s — or writing speeches, or attached to some other Murdoch initiative. The chart soon disappeared. A Fox spokeswoman said Mr. Brimelow did not currently have any relationship with the company.

Going after his critics

Mr. Carlson’s popularity among viewers has allowed him to fend off critics outside Fox and shut down those within, from news anchors to junior employees who have objected to his rhetoric.

After an on-air feud with Mr. Carlson in 2019 over the impeachment inquiry and Mr. Trump’s efforts to pressure Ukrainian officials, Shepard Smith was reportedly warned against criticizing his fellow host. He departed Fox that October.

After a Fox producer, Dan Gallo, expressed concerns to human resources executives about recordings of Mr. Carlson defending statutory rape and calling Iraqis “semiliterate primitive monkeys,” and on-air comments by Jeanine Pirro questioning a Muslim congresswoman’s loyalty to the Constitution, Mr. Carlson learned about his complaints and confronted him face to face in Los Angeles, demanding that Mr. Gallo “do the honorable thing” and call him if he had a disagreement. Mr. Gallo offered to talk then and there, but Mr. Carlson wasn’t interested. “I’m busy,” the host said, and walked off.

Days after a mass shooting in El Paso by a white man protesting what he called the “Hispanic invasion of Texas,” Mr. Carlson declared that white supremacy was largely a “hoax.” A young Fox reporter, Cristina Corbin, tweeted, without mentioning Mr. Carlson: “White supremacy is real, as evidenced by fact. Claims that it is a ‘hoax’ do not represent my views.” The host called Ms. Corbin and yelled at her to “shut your mouth,” according to a former Fox executive briefed on the episode. When asked about the incident by Fox management, Mr. Carlson denied making the call.

His playbook sent sponsors fleeing, yet nearly doubled ad dollars

Here is the “Tucker Carlson Tonight” playbook: Go straight for the third rail, be it race, immigration or another hot-button issue; harvest the inevitable backlash; return the next evening to skewer critics for how they responded. Then, do it all again. This feedback loop drove up ratings and boosted loyalty to Fox and Mr. Carlson.

What it did not do was endear Mr. Carlson to advertisers. As blue-chip sponsors fled, Fox filled the space with in-house promos — using Mr. Carlson’s popularity to push other Fox shows — and direct-to-consumer brands like MyPillow, whose chief executive is a major promoter of Mr. Trump’s stolen-election lie.

Last May, after promoting the white supremacist “replacement” theory, Mr. Carlson had half as many advertisers as in December 2018. But he brought in almost twice as much money.

He’s the one who started the trend to only give Fox viewers what they wanted to hear. Now they are stuck with it. People tried to warn them but they wouldn’t listen.

Take them both literally AND seriously

Florida Governor Ron DeSantis is crumbling under a mountain of criticism for his sinking campaign. Right now he’s travelling all over the country giving speeches and selling his book proclaiming he’s the greatest anti-woke warrior on the planet. This week he’s jetting off overseas, presumably to prove that he can meet with foreign leaders as an equal. Meanwhile, back in Florida, Ft Lauderdale is drowning and he hasn’t bothered to change his busy schedule to appear (even belatedly asking for an emergency federal emergency declaration from the road.) And he was terribly embarrassed by all but one of the Florida congressional delegations, some of whom are his former colleagues in the House, endorsing Donald Trump in a carefully choreographed roll-out over the course of a week.

The NY Times’ Maggie Haberman notes that while all of this is true, it’s also true that DeSantis is being judged by the party and the press as a normal politician while Trump still gets graded on a curve. By that she means that DeSantis is taken at his word while Trump still benefits from the 2016 trope that the news media takes him literally but not seriously, while his supporters take him seriously but not literally. This does appear to be true. DeSantis is being closely scrutinized for his agenda while even after all this time people are still dismissing Trump’s outlandish statements.

This is not to say that DeSantis doesn’t deserve it. In fashioning himself as “woke’s” most energetic antagonist, he’s made himself into a uniquely malevolent political figure. His assaults on education banning books and the teaching the real history of America and the attacks on LGBTQ kids and teachers are grotesque. Stunts such as his rendition of migrants from Texas to Martha’s Vineyard and his inane battle with Disney because they criticized his policies deserve to be thoroughly investigated and exposed. His recent signing of a draconian 6 week abortion ban, after already signing a 15 week ban, is basically just a doubling down on massively unpopular government overreach. DeSantis’ authoritarian agenda is barbaric and it deserves all the attention it is getting.

You will notice that most of the Republicans back biting DeSantis have been doing so in highly personal terms. This article in Rolling Stone revealed that there is a rather large group of defectors from the Governor’s staff who have gone to work for Trump and are pledged to destroy their former boss. They really do not like the guy. Here’s just one quote from a former associate:

“The nature of the conversations among the people who used to work for Ron is just so frequently: ‘OK, how can we destroy this guy?’ It is not at all at a level that is normal for people who hold the usual grudges against horrible bosses. It’s a pure hatred that is much, much purer than that … People who were traveling with Ron everyday, who worked with him very closely over the years, to this day joke about how it was always an open question whether or not Ron knew their names … And that’s just the start of it.”

That’s brutal. And Florida Republicans are even starting to get impatient with his “woke” agenda. According to Politico, “they’re frustrated by a grinding session where legislators have pushed through bill after bill — and chewed up hours of contentious debate — that’s considered integral to DeSantis’ expected presidential campaign.” They had their own priorities and DeSantis is spending his time picking fights with the state’s biggest employer:

“People are deeply frustrated,” said former state Sen. Jeff Brandes, a St. Petersburg Republican who has been talking to his former GOP colleagues frequently this session. “They are not spending any time on the right problems … Most legislators believe that the balance of power has shifted too far and the Legislature needs to re-establish itself as a coequal branch of government.”

This is the first we’ve seen of Republicans criticizing DeSantis’ agenda and not just his obviously unpleasant personality. One even said, “we are not the party of cancel culture.”(You could have fooled me — and all the librarians and teachers dealing with the banned books.)

Trump, on the other hand, is putting out an agenda that will make your hair stand on end and nobody is saying a word. Back in 2016 he had a list of proposals that shocked the nation. He was going to build a wall on the southern border and make Mexico pay for it and said he would ban all Muslims from coming into the country. He said he would pay off the national debt in four years and would deport thousands of refugees, even children. But mostly he whined about how stupid all the other leaders are and complained about how the country has gone to hell in a handbasket while promising to make America great again. His demagogic blather made a lot of people happy.

But this time, seeking revenge on his enemies, he has compiled a list of policies that show a much more systematic authoritarian agenda than he had before. Yes he, like DeSantis, is attacking Critical Race Theory and transgender people of all ages. He’s got the bigoted proposals like mass deportation and as I mentioned the other day, he’s now proposing to arrest the homeless and offer them to option of jail or concentration camps somewhere away from people (where he says their needs will be met.) That’s crazy talk, but it’s the kind of thing Trump has always had an ear for by tuning in to the right wing jungle drums.

But Trump has another agenda that’s downright terrifying. He is determined to expand executive power beyond anything even Dick Cheney or Bill Barr could have imagined.

I’m sure you can see the theme there. Donald Trump is prepared to completely upend the civil service and executive branch to fill it with Republican toadies. Do I think he can accomplish that? I don’t know. But I think it’s a mistake to assume that he’s the same loudmouthed gadfly that he was back in 2016. He’s seen the power of the presidency and he is driven by a thirst for revenge. He says it clearly: “I am your warrior. I am your justice. And for those who have been wronged and betrayed, I am your retribution.”

Ron DeSantis is rightly being subjected to critical scrutiny for his deviation from our understanding of how the American system is supposed to work. Even Republicans are queasy about his expansion of executive power. But Trump is no longer just an eccentric TV star who got lucky, he’s a former president who attempted a coup to stay in power and is now the frontrunner for the Republican nomination. Why in the world isn’t the media taking Donald Trump’s plans both seriously and literally this time?

Salon

Ding Dong the witch is dead!

But, but but …

stay tuned…

Oh my. Now this:

It must be something in the air…

The Green economy: Who’s gonna build it?

A shortage of skilled tradespeople

General Eisenhower’s Transport https://b-25history.org/aircraft/434030.htm

My required electrical engineering course was taught by a Ph.D. so spacey it was like taking a class from The Nutty Professor. I got an ‘A’ and laughed out loud over it for spitting back on the tests information I never really understood. It’s said one can graduate with a degree in electrical engineering and not know how to wire an electrical outlet. Believe it.

The problem with moving to electric vehicles and away from fossil fuels for heating and power is that the country will need a lot more electricians able to wire up all that gear. David Owen at The New Yorker reports there is a shortage of them, but also “heating, ventilation, and air-conditioning (HVAC) techs.” Owen explains:

One reason for the skilled-labor gap is that the work is real work. The electricians who restored power to the houses on our road spent Christmas Eve in bucket trucks, buffeted by winds so strong they made the screens on our porch hum like kazoos. LeMieux told me that he’s had apprentices who quit after a few months because they had decided the job was too wet, too messy, too cold, too dirty, too hot. A more significant factor may be that, for decades, employers, educators, politicians, and parents have argued that the only sure ticket to the good life in America is a college degree. People who graduate from college do earn more, on average, than people who don’t, but the statistics can be misleading. Many young people who start don’t finish, yet still take on tens of thousands in education loans—and those who do graduate often discover that the economic advantage of holding a degree can be negated, for years, by the cost of having acquired it.

The federal Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act pays for more infrastructure but not enough for workforce development. So, Owen celebrates the Connecticut Technical Education and Career System (CTECS) and its network of trade schools he feels might be a national model for how to address that need.

A college degree may pay better, but the cost (debt) means it not catch up in total earnings to trades work for a couple of decades.

Leah Stokes, the U.C. Santa Barbara professor, told me, “For a long time, we have valorized white-collar jobs and tech workers and the knowledge economy. We need a whole new group of people to think about going into the trades, including people whose families have had white-collar jobs.” One of my golf buddies is a pilot for American Airlines. He and his wife have a daughter who’s about to start graduate school, a daughter who’s about to start college, and a son, Sam, who, in addition to having a decent golf swing, is an apprentice at a local HVAC company. Sam is twenty. He knew when he was in eighth grade that he didn’t want to go to college. He attended his town’s regular public high school, and, after graduation, went to work. He takes night classes at Henry Abbott Tech, another school in the CTECS system, accumulating theory credits toward his journeyperson’s license. He told me that his sister’s bachelor’s degree had cost his parents about two hundred thousand dollars, while the twenty credits he needs for his license will end up costing more like five thousand. (CTECS night-school students pay tuition.) Meanwhile, he’s installing heat pumps and getting paid.

The father of my best friend in high school was an auto mechanic. He was simple, humble man who’d served in WWII as an aircraft mechanic. His proudest moment was the time he worked on Gen. Eisenhower’s plane. I never forgot that. He didn’t.

Those skilled trades pay well but are socially undervalued compared to college degrees. That’s a shame. It could bite us as we attempt a transition to a green economy.

Punishing the right indolence

The GOP’s debt ceiling game of chicken

House Republicans led(?) by Speaker Kevin McCarthy refuse to raise the debt ceiling without conditions. Given their lax attitudes toward punishing insurrection and attacks on their own legislative chambers, it hardly seems beyond the pale that asking “Would they or wouldn’t they?” regarding defaulting on the national debt seems as quaint as asking if the Bush administration would torture prisoners. It would throw markets and the economy into chaos. But then, their party is now defined by that condition.

“His caucus is willing to allow the United States to default on its debt to force budget cuts,” the Washington Post Editorial Board notes:

It is foolish to gamble with the full faith and credit of the U.S. government at any time. It’s madness to do so now, at a fragile moment for the financial system. Have lawmakers learned nothing from the 2011 standoff that resulted in higher borrowing costs and a lower U.S. credit rating? Back then, the two sides got close to the edge and there were hefty costs.

Republicans are performing their regularly scheduled handwringing over the debt their servicing of financial elites has run up. Once a Democratic administration retakes the White House, a Republican’s thoughts turn to which Americans’ lives they might immiserate in the name of personal responsibility and budgetary restraint. They were never serious (in an adult sort of way) about deficits when in power. What they are serious about is ensuring government spending flows only into the right pockets.

“House Republicans have a habit of making it sound as if the budget can be fixed merely by trimming food stamps, Medicaid and other aid programs,” the Board observes. “That’s not mathematically possible.” But it is politically desirable. The “indolent” working poor must be punished as much as the indolent rich must be serviced.

McCarthy and his MAGA kin have already proven willing to burn it all down if they don’t get their way. Even before Trump. Why not now?

Thus, the GOP’s demand for a 22 percent cut to non-defense programs.

Since McCarthy cannot control his caucus, he’s resorted to theater “not even worthy of a high school gym,” writes E.J. Dionne:

That 22 percent would mean, to take just a few of her examples, 30 million fewer veteran outpatient visits; layoffs of 108,000 teachers in schools with low-income students and kids with disabilities; 200,000 fewer children in Head Start; and 180,000 children losing access to child care. And right-to-lifers take note: “1.7 million women, infants, and children would lose vital nutrition assistance through the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children.”

Because Republicans don’t get specific, they can deny they want to do any of these things. But that’s why Congress should just pass the debt-ceiling increase and move the debate to specific budget choices and their impact. (By the way, don’t be surprised if, by the time you read this, McCarthy has exempted various groups from cuts, notably veterans.)

There is other bad stuff in the bill. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities notes that the proposal’s Medicaid work requirements would put more than 10 million people at risk for losing their health coverage. It would eliminate many of Biden’s clean energy incentives. And, as my colleague Catherine Rampell pointed out, the bill would actually increase the deficit by slicing Internal Revenue Service funding, hemming in its efforts to collect from rich tax cheats.

But then, rich tax cheats are on the “nice” list. Veterans, children, the disabled, teachers, etc. fall on the “naughty” side of the GOP’s ledger.

The word draconian comes to mind. A quick search traces its roots to Draco, “a legislator in ancient Athens who gave severe punishments for crimes, especially the punishment of being killed.” Laws written in blood, legend has it. With special cruelty meted out for trivial crimes such as idleness. Or knocking on the wrong door, driving up the wrong driveway, having your ball roll into a neighbor’s yard.

Give them this, the GOP knows its base.

They hate him, they really hate him

This Rolling Stone piece about DeSantis’ angry former staffers is something else:

DONALD TRUMP LOATHES Ron DeSantis for the Florida governor’s “disloyal” challenge to Trump’s iron grip on the Republican Party. The former president’s ire, however, is dwarfed by the intense desire harbored by some of Trump’s key aides and allies to see DeSantis politically ruined.

These advisers, lawmakers, and operatives personally know DeSantis or used to work for him. Now, some of them are working to reelect Trump and have brought their intimate knowledge of DeSantis’ operations, and also what makes Trump’s likely 2024 primary rival tick. Just as importantly, some of the Team-DeSantis-turned-Team-Trump contingent have talked to the ex-president about how best to relentlessly mess with DeSantis, assuring Trump that the Florida governor is uniquely “insecure” and “sensitive,” and that it’s easy to get in his head, two such sources who’ve spoken to Trump tell Rolling Stone.

It’s one of the reasons why the open political warfare between Trump and DeSantis is only expected to get nastier in the coming months. “If Ron thinks the last couple months have been bumpy, he’s in for a painful ride,” says a third source, who used to be on Team DeSantis and is now in the Trump orbit.

his person continues, “The nature of the conversations among the people who used to work for Ron is just so frequently: ‘OK, how can we destroy this guy?’ It is not at all at a level that is normal for people who hold the usual grudges against horrible bosses. It’s a pure hatred that is much, much purer than that … People who were traveling with Ron everyday, who worked with him very closely over the years, to this day joke about how it was always an open question whether or not Ron knew their names … And that’s just the start of it.”

One Trump adviser who also knows DeSantis tells Rolling Stone, “Oh, I’ve told the [former] president several times how easy it is to mindfuck Ron,” adding they’ve told Trump that “[DeSantis] takes little slights and digs incredibly personally and doesn’t really let things go.

[…]

Trump has already demonstrated that virtually nothing is off limits in his campaign against DeSantis, who hasn’t even officially declared his 2024 candidacy yet. (The governor is clearly running a “shadow campaign” at this time, however.) Last month, the ex-president publicly suggested DeSantis might be gay. The month before that, Trump implied the Florida governor is a pedophile. That the allegations are baseless is not much of a concern to the 2024 Republican frontrunner.

“The only people who like Ron DeSantis are the people who have never met him,” Taylor Budowich, the head of the pro-Trump super PAC MAGA Inc. and Trump’s former spokesman, harshly commented to NBC News last week. Budowich, too, is a DeSantis alum, having worked with the DeSantis transition in Florida.

Stories of DeSantis colleagues and staffers describing the Florida governor as either cold or hostile are legion. Republican political operatives have slammed him as a man who is “missing the sociability gene” and “never says thank you,” even to major donors.

In a blistering 2021 piece, Politico reported on the existence of a so-called “support group” of “scarred” former DeSantis aides who meet to exchange stories on what they described as a nightmare boss that treated anyone not in his innermost circle “like a disposable piece of garbage.”

The irritation with DeSantis is evident in some of the embarrassing stories former staff have floated to the press. Former employees told The Daily Beast of the pudding incident, which reportedly involved the Florida governor shoveling the chocolate dessert into his mouth with three fingers to the disgust and amazement of those accompanying him on a flight to Washington, D.C. The detail went viral and provided the grist for a Trump-aligned super PAC ad riffing on the pudding incident and attacking DeSantis over Social Security policy.

The DeSantis campaign-in-waiting has been rocked by a series of rebukes from donors to members of the state’s Republican congressional delegation.

Over the past two weeks, members of Florida’s Republican congressional delegation have announced their support for Trump one by one and the steady drip-drip of endorsements hasn’t been accidental. As Rolling Stone reported, the slow rollout — planned to inflict maximum humiliation of DeSantis — was helmed in part by Susie Wiles, a former DeSantis aide whom the Florida governor blackballed from his political operation after she helped him win the 2018 governor’s race. According to people with knowledge of the matter, though, Wiles is more restrained, and less colorful, than other Trump acolytes in privately describing her bad experiences with DeSantis.

The article reminds us just how thin-skinned Trump is as well which is indisputable. (Apparently, that mushroom-shaped penis thing really got to him.)But I don’t think anyone enjoys destroying their enemies as much as Donald Trump so I expect he’ll go after DeSantis with gusto. And it sounds like there are plenty of former DeSantis staffers who are more than eager to help him do it.

Ron DeSantis must be a real asshole. It’s just not natural to have so many of your former staffers hate your guts.

The Fox News Justice

We tried to warn everyone about Sam Alito…

Jennifer Rubin on an important aspect of the Supremes’ mifepristone ruling: Samual Alito is a monster:

In the rush to celebrate the failure of medical zealots (this time) to dredge up an antiabortion activist in robes to countermand the FDA, Alito’s dissent shouldn’t be ignored, for it perfectly encapsulates the degree to which he’s become “unmoored from reason,” as legal scholar Norman Eisen tells me.

The opinion is so lacking in judicial reason and tone that Supreme Court advocates and constitutional experts with whom I spoke were practically slack-jawed. They cite a batch of objectionable arguments and remarks in his dissent.

First, Alito’s dissent begins with an extended, bitter and unnecessary rant about the shadow docket (the use of emergency rulings that have major policy consequences without the benefit of full briefing). He has railed at critics before, but now he cannot restrain himself from venting in an actual opinion. He goes on at length to recall the accusations, choosing to single out a warning against overuse of the motions docket from none other than Justice Amy Coney Barrett. (That alliance might be on the rocks.) It’s entirely irrelevant to the matter at hand and, as with so much of Alito’s writing, utterly intemperate.

But it gets much worse. Alito has the temerity to assert that there would be no irreparable injury in denying the stay because “the Government has not dispelled legitimate doubts” — by whom? where does this standard come from? — “that it would even obey an unfavorable order in these cases, much less that it would choose to take enforcement actions to which it has strong objections.” This unprecedented attack on the government’s obedience to court rulings — based on nothing — is out of order. There is zero evidence — stray pundits and legislative backbenchers don’t count — that the Biden administration would essentially put itself in contempt of court.

Moreover, Alito’s dissent demonstrates that he does not care one whit about the women affected if the drug were suddenly made unavailable. (At least he’s consistent; he also utterly ignored the interests of women in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, giving them no weight in contrast to the seemingly inviolate interest of states in commandeering women’s reproductive choices.) Their irreparable harm doesn’t register.

Next, consider Alito’s hypocrisy in accusing the government of “leveraging” (i.e., judge shopping) by going to a court in the 9th Circuit to obtain a contrary opinion, thereby setting up a conflict between circuits. It takes some nerve to make that accusation, given how the case began when antiabortion activists searched out a single-district division in Amarillo, Tex., where they were certain to draw a judge who embraces their cause.

Finally, Alito dishonestly asserts that a stay isn’t needed because this will all get decided quickly at the 5th Circuit or at the Supreme Court — probably in the government’s favor. (“Because the applicants’ Fifth Circuit appeal has been put on a fast track, with oral argument scheduled to take place in 26 days, there is reason to believe that they would get the relief they now seek — from either the Court of Appeals or this Court — in the near future if their arguments on the merits are persuasive.”)

First, even if it is a matter of days or weeks, women denied the medication will of course be harmed. (See above: Women’s interests don’t count.) Second, any appeal to the Supreme Court and resolution on the merits will take months and months. This simply will not be all wrapped up, as he suggests, “in the near future.” Third, the far-right 5th Circuit is almost certain to rule against the government, so relief will not be forthcoming from that court. And finally, Alito already (prematurely and utterly improperly) seems to tell us that the Supreme Court is going to toss the case. We can only surmise that his fellow justices left him under no illusion that this case will succeed as a backdoor to a national ban on medical abortions.

Looking at the entirety of Alito’s dissent, constitutional scholar Leah Litman reels off the outrages, including the plaintiffs’ sprint to Amarillo, the “whataboutisms” in the shadow docket and the “willful blindness to the effects of the Fifth Circuit ruling.” She adds, “It reads like a Fox News grandpa’s rant.” She points to the irony that the author of Dobbs, which stressed the role of states and elected branches, now is “most eager to support federal courts ordering bans on medication abortion protocols.”

“There is some real chutzpah,” she adds.

He has the ideology of Clarence Thomas with the temperament of Scalia and the personality of Donald Trump.

They just can’t quit Trump

A whopping two-thirds of Republican primary voters say they stand behind former President Donald Trump and dismiss concerns about his electability, despite his recent criminal arrest and the other legal investigations into his past conduct, a new national NBC News poll finds.

That — along with his double-digit lead over his nearest potential GOP rival, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis — makes Trump the clear frontrunner in the early race for the Republican presidential nomination.

The Republican Party’s continued enthusiasm for Trump stands in contrast to an anxious nation’s displeasure with how the 2024 race is shaping up. Substantial majorities of all Americans don’t want Trump or President Joe Biden to run for president in 2024, setting up a potentially divisive and uninspiring general-election rematch between the two men, with Biden expected to launch his re-election bid in the coming days.

We shouldn’t be surprised that a party of ignorant conspiracy theorists believe that every last one of Trump’s crimes and scandals are the work of a conspiracy to take him down. It’s how they think and the evidence they have is that there are so many of them that it can’t be true. A finding of guilt in any or all of them won’t change that.

If you want to know just how many of these people exist this tells the tale:

Yet among all voters — not just Republicans — 52% believe that Trump is being held to the same standard as anyone else accused of doing what he did as he faces charges in New York. Another 43% disagree and say he’s being unfairly targeted.

43% of the country is off its rocker. There’s no other way to explain this.