The Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) has tumbled into a new dispute over the Sept. 11 attacks of five years ago.
Its Presbyterian Publishing Corp. has issued “Christian Faith and the Truth Behind 9/11” (Westminster John Knox), containing perhaps the most incendiary accusations leveled by a writer for a mainline Protestant book house.
Author David Ray Griffin tells of concluding that “the Bush-Cheney administration had orchestrated 9/11 in order to promote this (American) empire under the pretext of the so-called war on terror.”
“No other interpretation is possible,” he asserts … Presbyterian Publishing’s unapologetic responses to the critics insist that Griffin’s “carefully researched” work and “intellectually rigorous arguments” merit “careful consideration by serious-minded Christians and Americans concerned with truth and the meaning of their faith.”
The publisher’s publicity contends that Griffin “applies Jesus’ teachings to the current political administration” and puts forth “an abundance of evidence and disturbing questions that implicate the Bush administration.”
Presbyterian News Service explains that the publishing house, though one of the denomination’s six national agencies, receives no church money and “operates with complete editorial autonomy.” It is governed by a board elected at the Presbyterian assembly.
Griffin’s ultimate goal? He wants Christians to try to supplant America’s “demonic” regime with a system of “global government.”
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad voiced defiance on Tuesday as a deadline neared for Iran to halt work the West fears is a step toward building nuclear bombs, and challenged US President George W. Bush to televised debate.In a news conference, Ahmadinejad condemned the US and British role in the world since World War II but made no direct mention of the international nuclear confrontation.“I suggest holding a live TV debate with Mr. George W. Bush to talk about world affairs and the ways to solve those issues,” he said.
Former Director Michael Brown told ABC News’ “This Week with George Stephanopoulos” Sunday he stood by comments in a Playboy interview, and President Bush wanted him to take the heat for the bungling.
[…]
The former FEMA chief cited what he called an e-mail “from a very high source in the White House that says the president at a Cabinet meeting said, ‘Thank goodness Brown’s taking all the heat because it’s better that he takes the heat than I do.'”
How do I know he’s telling the truth? Well, I can’t prove it, but I doubt very seriously that poor little Brownie read the Washington Monthly in 2002 and remembered this little tid-bit:
During a trip to West Point on June 1, Bush pulled White aside for a private talk. “As long as they’re hitting you on Enron, they’re not hitting me,” said Bush, according to this Army official. “That’s your job. You’re the lightning rod for this administration.”
That is why he shall ever be known as the Empty Codpiece.
MCCAIN: I believe that the “Christian Right” has a major role to play in the Republican Party. One reason is because they’re so active and their followers are. And I believe they have a right to be a part of our party. I don’t have to agree with everything they stand for, nor do I have to agree with everything that’s on the liberal side of the Republican Party. If we have to agree on every issue, we’re not a Republican Party. I believe in open and honest debate. Was I unhappy in the year 2000 that I lost the primary and there were some attacks on me that I thought was unfair? Of course. Should I get over it? Should I serve — can I serve the people of Arizona best by looking back in anger or moving forward?
RUSSERT: Do you believe that Jerry Falwell is still an agent of intolerance?
MCCAIN: No, I don’t. I think that Jerry Falwell can explain how his views on this program when you have him on.
Here are some of those views that John McCain now believes have a major role to play in the Republican Party:
FALWELL: I expect the Lord to return in the 21st century to Rapture at his church. Now, I can’t prove that. I cannot prove that the Lord is gonna come in this century. No one knows the day or the hour, but in my heart I believe it because there are no more predicted events that need to happen before our Lord can return.
[…]
I expect a global economy in the 21st century, which first will manifest itself as a cashless society. I believe that plastic will take the place of cash, and that while this will only be fulfilled during the tribulation period at the Rapture, I believe that God is setting the stage for, and laying the infrastructure for, a cashless society right now. Most people, many pay their bills online already. And the day will come, I believe, when there will be no cash, and the only way you can get cash and trade and to do business is to [points to his forehead] have the mark of the beast.
And then I expect the nations of the world in the 21st century to move rapidly towards a one-world government. We already have the U.N. — it’s a useless bunch. But we’ve already got the U.N., and they will not be the one-world government, but they are the infrastructure, the stage on which the Antichrist will build his one-world government.
And they have the brass cojones to call the netroots unhinged.
Bronwynne Bassier was desperate. Roaming the streets of her Biloxi, Miss., neighborhood four days after Katrina, scavenging for food and clothes for her 2-year-old son, Bassier stumbled upon the one man who presumably could help: President George W. Bush. Rushing toward him, the 22-year-old single mother pleaded and sobbed. “My son needs clothes,” she cried. “I’ve lost everything.” Momentarily stunned, Bush appeared on the verge of tears himself as he listened. Bush tried to direct her and her younger sister, Kim, toward a Salvation Army shelter down the road, but ultimately comforted them the only way he knew how: he hugged them. “Hang in there,” he told Bassier, kissing her forehead. “We’re going to take care of you.” Press cameras captured the moment and beamed the image of compassion around the globe.
A year later, Bassier’s life remains like that of countless other Katrina victims: she lives in a FEMA trailer with her son and new husband. Her story offers a window into the workaday reality of life post-Katrina. “Meeting [Bush] didn’t really change anything for me,” Bassier tells NEWSWEEK. “I’ve been just like everybody else, trying to move forward with my life one day at a time.” In a new NEWSWEEK Poll, 51 percent of Americans say they don’t think Bush has followed through on his promises to rebuild New Orleans and the Gulf Coast.
To complicate matters, Bassier—a native of South Africa—has had a hard time getting a work visa. She’d applied for one after graduating from a local college last summer, but in the chaos of Katrina, the Department of Homeland Security lost the paperwork. More than a year later, her application is still pending. In May, Bassier sent a letter to the man who’d been there for her last year. But as of last Thursday, the president still hadn’t responded. A White House spokeswoman confirmed last week that the administration received it, but said it had been forwarded to DHS. “We don’t intervene in individual cases,” says Deputy Press Secretary Dana Perino.
But guess what? Just in time for the Katrina anniversary, when Bush is planning his series of saccharine, phony photo-ops, somebody gets a call:
This chapter of Bassier’s story may yet have a happy ending: after NEWSWEEK’s inquiries, Bassier received a call Friday from the White House inviting her to meet with President Bush this Monday when he visits Gulfport to mark the first anniversary of Katrina. (A White House aide tells NEWSWEEK that the invitation had long been in the works, but they hadn’t been able to locate her until Friday.) She plans to make her case in person for a work visa. And she wants to thank President Bush for coming back. She’s not angry, but she’s looking for more than a hug.
I’m sure the invitation was in the works for some time. They have been planning their pageant for months. Perhaps if they’d spent as much time working on actually fixing the problems as how to spin them, the Gulf Coast might look a little bit better today.
Let’s hope they come across with that work visa and more. Too bad Ms Bassier didn’t have an agent. She could have set herself up for life.
A year ago, in the aftermath of hurricane Katrina, NEWSWEEK published a cover story called “Poverty, Race and Katrina: Lessons of a National Shame.” The article suggested that the disaster was prompting a fresh look at “The Other America”—the 37 million Americans living below the poverty line. “It takes a hurricane,” I wrote. “It takes the sight of the United States with a big black eye—visible around the world—to help the rest of us begin to see again.” I ended on a hopeful note: “What kind of president does George W. Bush want to be? … If he seizes the moment, he could undertake a midcourse correction that might materially change the lives of millions. Katrina gives Bush an only-Nixon-could-go-to-China opportunity, if he wants it.”
Some readers told me at the time that this was naive—that the president, if not indifferent to the problems of black people, as the singer Kanye West charged, was not going to do anything significant to help them. At first this seemed too cynical. The week after the article appeared, Bush went to Jackson Square in New Orleans and made televised promises not only for Katrina relief but to address some of the underlying struggles of the poor. He proposed “worker recovery accounts” to help evacuees find work by paying for job training, school and child care; an Urban Homesteading Act that would make empty lots and loans available to the poor to start over, and a Gulf Enterprise Zone to spur business investment in poor areas. Small ideas, perhaps, but good ones.
Well, it turned out that the critics were largely right. Not only has the president done much less than he promised on the financing and logistics of Gulf Coast recovery, he has dropped the ball entirely on using the storm and its aftermath as an opportunity to fight poverty. Worker recovery accounts and urban homesteading never got off the ground, and the new enterprise zone is mostly an opportunity for Southern companies owned by GOP campaign contributors to make some money in New Orleans. The mood in Washington continues to be one of not-so-benign neglect of the problems of the poor.
It’s not neglect. It’s design. The Republicans took a hit for their incompetence in handling Katrina, but in the long run they stand to benefit greatly from the African American displacement outside the state. The reconstruction delays and “not so blind” neglect serve the goal of a much lower black population in New Orleans. Louisiana is likely to be a deep red state from now on.
Perhaps that sounds too cynical, just as the idea that Bush would do nothing significant to help the poor victims sounded cynical last year. But after Bush vs Gore and the Texas gerrymandering and the California recall and voter disenfranchisement and on and on, I think it’s incredibly naive to think they wouldn’t make lemonade out of the Katrina lemon. The modern Republican party is deadly serious about electoral politics and nothing is too cynical for them.
The Institute of Southern Studies has sponsored a project called Gulf Coast Reconstruction Watch which has just put out an in depth report on the state of the Gulf and New Orleans and it’s fascinating.
The first part deals with the diaspora:
Hurricane Katrina had an enormous impact on Gulf Coast communities from Alabama to Louisiana, with about 1.2 million people under evacuation orders before the storm made landfall. More than 1,500 people died as a result of the hurricane, and at least 135 are still missing. Besides killing hundreds of people, Katrina displaced thousands. According to estimates released by the U.S. Census Bureau in June, southern Louisiana today is home to 344,781 fewer people today than before the hurricane. Evacuees were scattered to more than 700 communities throughout the United States, with some landing more than 4,000 miles from home. Life in the diaspora has been difficult for many, with survivors facing problems finding steady jobs and secure housing. Many survivors—both those who left their homes and those who remained behind—are also struggling with serious mental health problems such as depression and post-traumatic stress disorder.
A disproportionate number of those whose lives were devastated by Katrina were poor and African-American people, many of whom faced intensified discrimination in the chaos that followed Katrina. Perhaps nowhere was that more apparent than in what happened on the Mississippi River bridge from New Orleans to Gretna, La. Soon after the storm, largely African-American crowds began to cross the bridge after New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin promised that buses were waiting on the other side. But police from Gretna, the Jefferson Parish Sheriff’s office and the Crescent City Connection (a division of the state Department of Transportation and Development), blocked their way, even firing shots over the heads of desperate storm victims. That tragic incident sparked one of the first civil rights protests following the storm, when on Nov. 8 activists from New Orleans and other U.S. communities marched across the bridge following a rally at the Convention Center, where thousands of residents had suffered through inhuman conditions in the days after the storm.
The race and class divides exposed by last year’s hurricanes continue to manifest in the recovery. While many middle-class people and whites were able to summon the resources to return and rebuild, that task has been more difficult for poor people and people of color. That unfortunate reality is illustrated in statistics that have been released since Katrina showing a decline in the percentage of New Orleans’ African-American population as well as an increase in income among those who have returned.
For historically disadvantaged communities throughout the Gulf, Katrina continues to rage a year later.
Demographics Index
Number of persons Hurricane Katrina displaced from Louisiana: 645,000 to over 1.1 million
Number displaced from Mississippi: 66,000 to several hundred thousand
Total number of applicants for FEMA Individual Assistance for Katrina and Rita: 2,560,230
Estimated number of storm-displaced Gulf residents who were ages 65 and older: 88,000
Estimated number of U.S. communities to which storm victims evacuated: 724
Average distance traveled by evacuees from Chalmette, a largely white community in St. Bernard Parish, La.: 193 miles
Average distance traveled by evacuees from the Lower Ninth Ward, a largely African-American community in New Orleans: 349 miles
Estimated percentage of the New Orleans metro area’s pre-storm population of about 460,000 that had returned as of June 30: 37
Percent of the New Orleans area’s pre-storm population that was African-American: 36
Percent of the New Orleans area’s post-storm population that is African-American: 21
Increase since Katrina in the New Orleans area’s prestorm mean household income of $55,000: $9,000
Percent decline since Katrina in single-mother households with children in the New Orleans area: 43
Housing Index
Percent of Louisiana mortgages past due as of July 2006: 20
Percent of Mississippi mortgages past due: 13
National average for percent of past-due mortgages: 4
Average rent for a one-bedroom New Orleans apartment before Katrina: $578
Average rent for a one-bedroom New Orleans apartment as of July 2006: $803
Occupancy rate of livable apartments in New Orleans: 99 percent
Number of mobile homes ordered for the Gulf Coast: 7,737
Number of smaller travel trailers : 105,927
Number of storm-affected households holding Federal Emergency Management Agency hotel vouchers: 39
Number of storm-affected households approved for housing assistance: 946,597
Minimum percent of New Orleans public housing that is still closed: 80
Number of homes the Army Corps of Engineers has demolished in Louisiana since Katrina: 1,105
Minimum number of New Orleans public housing units scheduled for demolition: 5,000
Months after Katrina that federal money for housing reconstruction was approved: 10
Total federal funds dispersed so far to rebuild homes: $0
Interestingly, the Gulf Coast now has a higher African American population than it did before, although I doubt it has the electoral significance that an intact black community in New Orleans had. Still, it will be interesting to see if the whites on the Mississippi Gulf Coast start getting antsy about this state of affairs and if it will affect Mississippi politics.
Jose Chung helpfully keeps the story moving along for us, the evil Left, with his dry and deadpan opposition to every point made. So once again he should be thanked for leaving this inquiry about the liberal world’s fascination with literary GIANTS:
How much longer is the Left going to sit at rapt attention at the knees of Norman Mailer and Gore Vidal, two octogenarians …
Oh those eighty-year-olds. What are they good for?
I twice commented in that thread that one other octogenarian, Kurt Vonnegut, should not be forgotten. Last year, Vonnegut published another best-seller, this one called A Man Without A Country. Vonnegut’s humor will make you laugh, but his fatalism will make you cry. In typical Vonnegut fashion, the points he makes throughout the book are woven together with the flair of a creative writer. The two main complaints he emphasizes are unmistakable: the senseless killing being perpetrated by America, and America’s addiction to fossil fuel. America is destroying the planet, which leads Vonnegut to reject the country he once fought for.
Overall the book is about politics, government, and philosophy, but on its sweeter side it is about people and family, about community. It might well be his best work ever. At one point in the book, Vonnegut describes how children learn to be creative, or how they came to use their brains to think and imagine; no sounds, no pictures, just thinking and imagining:
We are not born with imagination. It has to be developed by teachers, by parents. There was a time when imagination was very important because it was the major source of entertainment. In 1892, if you were a seven-year-old, you’d read a story–just a very simple one–about a girl whose dog had died. Doesn’t that make you want to cry? Don’t you know how the little girl feels? And you’d read another story about a rich man slipping on a banana peel. Doesn’t that make you want to laugh? And this imagination circuit is being built in your head. If you go to an art gallery, here’s just a square with daubs of paint on it that haven’t moved in hundreds of years. No sound comes out of it.
The imagination circuit is taught to respond to the most minimal of cues. A book is an arrangement of twenty-six phonetic symbols, ten numerals, and about eight punctuation marks, and people can cast their eyes over these and envision the eruption of Mount Vesuvius or the Battle of Waterloo. But it’s no longer necessary for teachers and parents to build these circuits. Now there are professionally produced shows with great actors, very convincing sets, sound, music. Now there’s the information highway. We don’t need circuits any more than we need to know how to ride horses.
Let’s see how this circuit business works. Read carefully, Jose, and try to feel something as Vonnegut describes an experience he had during WWII. Have you ever served in a war? Have you ever been held captive? Vonnegut was an American prisoner of war, held in captivity in Dresden, Germany on February 13, 1945. That was the night the British intentionally massacred 135,000 people. Killed them all dead, in one night.
It was pure nonsense, pointless destruction. The whole city was burned down, and it was a British atrocity, not ours. They sent in night bombers, and they came in and set the whole town on fire with a new kind of incendiary bomb. And so everything organic, except my little POW group, was consumed by fire. It was a military experiment to find out if you could burn down a whole city by scattering incendiaries over it.
Of course, as prisoners of war, we dealt hands-on with dead Germans, digging them out of basements because they had suffocated there, and taking them to a huge funeral pyre. And I heard — I didn’t see it done — that they gave up this procedure because it was too slow and, of course, the city was starting to smell pretty bad. And they sent in guys with flamethrowers.
Why my fellow prisoners of war and I weren’t killed, I don’t know.
I was a writer in 1968. I was a hack. I’d write anything to make money, you know. And what the hell, I’d seen this thing, I’d been through it, and so I was going to write a hack book about Dresden. You know, the kind that would be made into a movie where Dean Martin and Frank Sinatra and others would play us. I tried to write, but I couldn’t get it right. I kept writing crap.
So I went to a friend’s house — Bernie O’Hare, who’d been my pal. And we were trying to remember funny stuff about our time as prisoners of war in Dresden, tough talk and all that, stuff that would make a nifty war movie. And his wife, Mary O’Hare, blew her stack. She said, “You were nothing but babies then.”
And that is true of soldiers. They are in fact babies. They are not movies stars. They are not Duke Wayne. And realizing that was key, I was finally free to tell the truth. We were children and the subtitle of Slaughterhouse Five became The Children’s Crusade.
Why had it taken me twenty-three years to write about what I had experienced in Dresden? We all came home with stories, and we all wanted to cash in, one way or another. And what Mary O’Hare was saying, in effect, was, “Why don’t you tell the truth for a change?”
Ernest Hemingway wrote a story after the First World War called “A Soldier’s Home” about how it was very rude to ask a soldier what he’d seen when he got back home. I think a lot of people, including me, clammed up when a civilian asked about battle, about war. It was fashionable. One of the most impressive ways to tell your war story is to refuse to tell it, you know. Civilians would then have to imagine all kinds of deeds of derring-do.
But I think the Vietnam War freed me and other writers, because it made our leadership and our motives seem so scruffy and essentially stupid. We could finally talk about something bad that we did to the worst people imaginable, the Nazis. And what I saw, what I had to report, made war look so ugly. You know, the truth can be really powerful stuff. You’re not expecting it.
Of course, another reason to talk about war is that it’s unspeakable.
I can sense the brain circuits of the right-wingers, or the flag conservatives, or the authoritarian followers, as they try to process Vonnegut’s words: Just how courageous was he in battle? Prove it. Did he have any serious injuries, or just superficial ones? Did he have the right attitude, that of a soldier dedicated to his country? Does Vonnegut think any war is worth fighting; is the Constitution worth fighting for?
It so happens that idealism enough for anyone is not made of perfumed pink clouds. It is the law! It is the U.S. Constitution.
But I myself feel that our country, for whose Constitution I fought in a just war, might as well have been invaded by Martians and body snatchers. Sometimes I wish it had been. What has happened instead is that it was taken over by means of the sleaziest, low-comedy, Keystone Cops-style coup d’etat imaginable.
I was once asked if I had any ideas for a really scary reality TV show. I have one reality show that would really make your hair stand on end: “C-Students from Yale.”
George W. Bush has gathered around him upper-crust C-students who know no history or geography, plus not-so-closeted white supremacists, aka Christians, and plus, most frighteningly, psychopathic personalities, or PPs, the medical term for smart, personable people who have no consciences.
To say somebody is a PP is to make perfectly respectable diagnosis, like saying he or she has appendicitis or athlete’s foot. The classic medical text on PPs is The Mask of Sanity by Dr. Hervey Cleckley, a clinical professor of psychiatry at the Medical College of Georgia, published in 1941. Read it!
Some people are born deaf, some are born blind or whatever, and this book is about congenitally defective human beings of a sort that is making this whole country and many other parts of the planet go completely haywire nowadays. These were people born without consciences, and suddenly they are taking charge of everything.
PPs are presentable, they know full well the suffering their actions may cause others, but they do not care. They cannot care because they are nuts. They have a screw loose!
And what syndrome better describes so many executives at Enron and WorldCom and on and on, who have enriched themselves while ruining their employees and investors and country and who still feel as pure as the driven snow, no matter what anybody may say to or about them? And they are waging a war that is making billionaires out of millionaires, and trillionaires out of billionaires, and they own television, and they bankroll George Bush, and not because he’s against gay marriage.
So many of these heartless PPs now hold big jobs in our federal government, as though they were leaders instead of sick. They have taken charge. They have taken charge of communications and the schools, so we might as well be Poland under occupation.
They might have felt that taking our country into an endless war was simply something decisive to do. What has allowed so many PPs to rise so high in corporations, and now in government, is they are so decisive. They are going to do something every fuckin’ day and they are not afraid. Unlike normal people, they are never filled with any doubts, for the simple reason that they don’t give a fuck what happens next. Simply can’t. Do this! Do that! Mobilize the reserves! Privatize the public schools! Attack Iraq! Cut health care! Tap everybody’s telephone! Cut taxes on the rich! Build a trillion-dollar missile shield! Fuck habeas corpus and the Sierra Club and In these Times, and kiss my ass!
By now the brain circuits of the authoritarians and their followers are breaking down. Ken Lay’s did, and he killed himself. Rush Phlegmball’s did, so he turned to painkillers. George Bush never had any circuits. The man used to blow up frogs with firecrackers. Now he blows up children with bombs. He can’t feel a thing. Who will do the post-mortem on the brains of these psychopaths? Whoever it is, surely they will find broken circuits.
And please, Jose, respect your elders. Literary giants have something to offer that you won’t get from Republican politicians or the right-wing echo chamber; something you’ll never get out of the President-who-can’t-feel-a-thing: Experience, wisdom, and the truth.
Think about it. Imagine.
A Man Without A Country. It’s worth the investment. Vonnegut even explains precisely why Shakespeare’s Hamlet is a masterpiece. It might well be the best lesson you can get from the wise old man.
Your Sunday night reading assignment, should you decide to accept it, is this article in The American prospect by Flynt Leverett, former member of the Bush administration, who quit in 2004.
His assessment is one of the most clear eyed views I’ve seen of the ramifications of the Bush Doctrine as it’s been applied in the middle east. He calls for a return to “realism” which not so long ago was considered a dirty word by people like me. But I’ve learned a few things in the past few years — there is something far worse than foreign policy realism and it’s called neoconservatism in full effect, a lethally stupid combination of puerile Trotskyite idealism with a belief that brute force is the only path to democratic utopia. Combine that with epic ineptitude and you have the chaos that the Bush administration will bequeath to the next administration. And if a Republican succeeds him, the roots of neoconservatism are now deep enough in the party establishment that it will probably carry on for some time.
After five years of that Frankenstein experiment I’m more than happy to try some old fashioned stability, if only to catch a breather and survey the damage that’s been wrought. I suspect many ordinary people in the mid-east would appreciate it as well.
Leverett points something out that we Democrats are going to have to think about. As I noted in my post yesterday about the “bipartisan” neocon think tanks, we have some issues to deal with on our side:
This focuses attention on the role of Democrats as the nation’s “loyal opposition” and whether the party can articulate a “return to realism” in U.S. foreign policy. The party has little to be proud of in the way it has discharged its role on foreign-policy issues. It has endorsed (or acquiesced to) all of the fundamental tenets of Bush’s revisionist approach to the Middle East. Broad support for the Iraq War among congressional Democrats was intellectually legitimated by “experts” like Kenneth Pollack, who wrote a best-selling book using an analytically flawed assessment of the Iraqi WMD threat to argue that going to war against Saddam was the “conservative” option. Similarly, Democrats have not posed a significant challenge to the administration’s emphasis on democratization in its strategy for the war on terrorism or its non-historical approach to the Palestinian issue.
Democrats have fallen into a “soft neconservatism” that has dulled the party’s voice on foreign policy. Henry Kissinger once observed that the United States is the only country in which the term “realist” is used as a pejorative. The more progressive elements of the Democratic coalition have been especially strident in voicing their antipathy to Kissingerian realism. But it was the 20th century’s greatest Democratic secretary of state, Dean Acheson, who defined a fundamentally realist paradigm for U.S. foreign policy in Europe during the Truman administration that laid the foundations for eventual peaceful victory in the Cold War. America needs that kind of wisdom about the Middle East today. It is time for Democrats to understand that, when it comes to curbing the threats posed by problematic states like Iran, encouraging reform in strategically important states like Egypt and Saudi Arabia, or ensuring Israel’s long-term future, realism has become the truly progressive position on foreign policy.
It’s popular to invoke the Truman, Acheson period these days and i’m a little bit skeptical about this somewhat romantic characterization of a policy that was driven as much by simple pragmatism (a good part of the world was in rubble) as overarching philosophy. But I suppose there is an argument to be made that by connecting with some heroic ancestors we might be able to reclaim the mantle of patriosim from the nutball neocons. But regardless, the critique of the Democrats is correct. Many of them have adopted a soft neoconservatism, which until recently, I assumed to be a purely political decision due to Bush’s massive early popularity and the trauma of 9/11. I’m not so sure now. Seeing the reactions to the recent Israel-Lebanon war, I can only assume that some sincere kool-aid drinking has gone on and that is very worrisome.
I am not entirely sure how I feel about this notion of “Ethical Realism” but I’m completely confident that neoconservatism in any permutation is dangerous and doomed to fail.
I will repeat my favorite little story to illustrate:
I remember as a child a strange little neighbor girl who was found in her backyard swinging her cat by the tail against the sidewalk screaming “you’re gonna love me!”
That’s neoconservatism. It’s so insane, I believe almost anything is an improvement.
Frank Rich does a bang-up job this week comparing the Duelling Pageants. He sees the empty Codpiece coming up short on both counts. (Here’s a free link to the column.)
The best part, I think, is this:
What’s amazing on Katrina’s first anniversary is how little Mr. Bush seems aware of this change in the political weather. He’s still in a bubble. At last week’s White House press conference, he sounded as petulant as Tom Cruise on the “Today” show when Matt Lauer challenged him about his boorish criticism of Brooke Shields. Asked what Iraq had to do with the attack on the World Trade Center, Mr. Bush testily responded, “Nothing,” adding that “nobody has ever suggested in this administration that Saddam Hussein ordered the attacks.” Like the emasculated movie star, the president is still so infatuated with his own myth that he believes the public will buy such nonsense.
I hadn’t thought about the similarities between Bush’s plight and that of Tom Cruise before and I should have. After all, Bush consciously adopted the Cruise Top Gun persona for the most audaciously over-the-top performance of his presidency. And here they both are today: absurd, clownish versions of their former selves, rejected by the masses who once worshipped them. The only difference is that Cruise was massively successful at everything he did until he fired his amazing publicist Pat Kingsley and turned into a freak a couple of years ago. Bush’s Pat Kingsley, Karl Rove, hasn’t been nearly as successful over the long haul.
Rich also provides a quote by Douglas Brinkley, the historian, about the real Katrina agenda and I really think there is no doubt that he’s correct:
Douglas Brinkley, the Tulane University historian who wrote the best-selling account of Katrina, “The Great Deluge,” is worried that even now the White House is escaping questioning about what it is up to (and not) in the Gulf. “I don’t think anybody’s getting the Bush strategy,” he said when we talked last week. “The crucial point is that the inaction is deliberate — the inaction is the action.” As he sees it, the administration, tacitly abetted by New Orleans’s opportunistic mayor, Ray Nagin, is encouraging selective inertia, whether in the rebuilding of the levees (“Only Band-Aids have been put on them”), the rebuilding of the Lower Ninth Ward or the restoration of the wetlands. The destination: a smaller city, with a large portion of its former black population permanently dispersed. “Out of the Katrina debacle, Bush is making political gains,” Mr. Brinkley says incredulously. “The last blue state in the Old South is turning into a red state.”
We all talked about the Aftrican American NOLA diaspora sort of abstractly last year but it really has come to pass. A large part of the city and environs aren’t coming back and as long as the rebuilding is so “slow” they won’t. Eventually they will put down roots elsewhere. The result is that the Democratic base of Louisiana has been disappeared. I have no doubt that is no accident.
I was perusing the Limbaugh web site (subs. only) for some specific Lieberman info and I was quite surprised at the defensiveness we netkooks seem to engender in the old gasbag. He haaates being being compared to us more than anything:
LIMBAUGH: Isn’t it interesting, by the way, these people are just flat out loonies; they are insane kooks, these left wing blog types, yet they are treated with great reverence and great respect and fear in the Drive-By Media and Democratic Party circles — and yet let Pat Buchanan run for president; let his supporters, you know, do their number, and the whole focus is on how insane Buchanan supporters were, how wacko, how dangerous and so forth they are. These people are being pumped up as though they are actual factors. They can’t sell books; they don’t generate much of anything other than a bunch of hot air amongst themselves. Because they’re liberals and because they hate Bush, the Drive-By Media loves them. So her question again to John Harwood. “Well, we know Lamont’s campaign in many ways has been driven by the netroots, many bloggers very supportive of him. What about that?”
HARWOOD: What the netroots Democrats are trying to do in some ways, they’ve got their own way of emulating Republicans because in the Republican Party today, conservatives drive the train, they get nominated, and they win elections. Can these netroots Democrats win nomination contests and then win general elections? Conventional wisdom has been that their Democratic liberal base is not large enough to do that.
RUSH: Well, let me clue you in, John. To compare the liberal netroots, these literally insane kooks to the conservative base is where you’re off base, is where you’re missing the point. It is not a bunch of kooks, it is not a bunch of extremist wackos and it’s not a bunch of fringe minority members who drive the conservative train or who drive the Republican Party train. So to compare the netroots to the mainstream conservatives that dominant the Republican Party is the first mistake that is made, but again, it’s a Drive-By Media guy and they’ve got their template and of course there’s no such thing as a fringe liberal, but fringe Republicans are all over the place. The only problem is there just aren’t enough of these liberals. Can you believe that? There aren’t enough liberals. Life is so unfair, folks. There just aren’t enough liberals to compete with the conservatives in their base operations.
Keep telling yourself that Oxy-boy.
He can’t quite make up his mind whether the Democratic party loves us or hates us, but no matter what, Rush starts snivelling like a spoiled little schoolboy whenever anyone suggests that he is equivalent to lefty bloggers. It’s hilarious.
RUSH: This is from the Beltway Boys on the Fox News Channel on Saturday.
KONDRACKE: Ned Lamont represents — if he wins — represents a triumph in the Democratic Party for the MoveOn.org, Howard Dean, Daily Kos, Michael Moore, left wing of the Democratic Party, which is not only, you know, bad on foreign policy, but on globalization, but is also just as nasty and mean on the left as Rush Limbaugh and those other hot dogs on the right.
RUSH: What has gotten into this guy? He knows better than this. There has to be some reason for this. He knows that this program is not on the same page as those guys. But let’s talk about this Lieberman thing because the latest announcement is that Der Schlick Meister is going in there to campaign for him. I’ll tell you the reason why, folks. It’s really not complicated. The Democrats, more and more of them, are really getting afraid of the MoveOn.orgs and the Daily Koses and these wackos at the Democrat Underground. They’re trying to deflect as much of the influence of these people as possible.
Limbaugh, you see, thinks of himself as a serious player, invited into all the finest homes in DC, married by a supreme court justice, the chosen voice of the most powerful people in the world. He’s very important. It totally unfair to lump him in with all us nobodies!
Poor Rush. When you get right down to it, after all the money and all the fame, he’s just another mean and nasty kook. That’s certainly not news to us — but it seems to be news to him.
