Four months and counting

Among Republicans’ antidemocratic weaponry are such diverse elements as [your Spanish Inquisition riff here]. Also, a variety of moving-the-goalposts tactics like obstacles to registering voters. They’ve tried to restrict third-party voter registration drives across the country. North Carolina now proposes making it a misdemeanor for voter registration groups to use actual voter registration forms.
Sometimes the gambit moves the goalposts farther. Sometimes it moves the goalposts closer. But as we’ve seen, the operative principle behind them all is: Heads, I win, tails, you lose. Recall Republican demands that voting happen only on Election Day and that ballots be counted and the election settled on Election Day? But that principle is flexible. So when necessity arises, Republicans behind in the vote count will keep postponing the day of reconning the way Donald Trump delays, delays, delays his reconning in court.
David Graham of The Atlantic examines how a losing Republican state supreme court candidate in North Carolina (familiar to readers here) has pushed back his day of reconning for four months now:
The problem is not that no one knows who won. Justice Allison Riggs, an incumbent Democrat, won by a tiny margin—just 734 votes out of 5,723,987. That tally has been confirmed by two recounts. But certification is paused while Republican challenger Jefferson Griffin, a judge on the state court of appeals, asks courts to throw out roughly 60,000 votes and put him on the state’s highest court.
Preposterous
We’ve covered the details before. All Griffin wants to do is this: he just wants to find 735 votes, which is one more than he needs because he won the state. Sound familiar?
But as I’ve said, you should care how this North Carolina drama plays out. Donald Trump has taught his children well (emphasis mine):
All of this may be an affront to North Carolinians, but voting experts told me that the outcome matters for America as a whole as well. Rick Hasen, a law professor at UCLA who has contributed to The Atlantic, told me it could end up at the U.S. Supreme Court. “Many of us were worried about subverted election outcomes at the presidential level starting in 2020,” he wrote in an email. “But this is the first serious risk at a lower level. Raising these kinds of issues after the election to disenfranchise voters and flip election outcomes risks actual stolen elections potentially blessed by a state supreme court.”
North Carolina has historically been an early indicator for future national voting battles. It has long seen some of the more preposterous congressional maps in the United States. When the Supreme Court struck part of the Voting Rights Act in 2013, North Carolina Republicans moved within hours to change laws. An effort by Republican Governor Pat McCrory to challenge his 2016 election loss presaged Donald Trump’s 2020 “Stop the Steal” push. North Carolina also sent important cases about partisan gerrymandering and the controversial “independent state legislature” theory to the Supreme Court. If Griffin prevails, his playbook could go national as well.
Trump’s delaying tactics, enabled by a MAGA federal judges, left a man convicted of 34 felonies and with no regard for the rule of law eligible to run for the presidency again and win. He now enjoys criminal immunity granted him for which Trump personally thanked Chief Justice John Roberts on Tuesday. (The real headline is Trump thanking anyone for anything.) Within weeks, the downstream effects are being felt across the country, across the planet, and perhaps inside your homes.
Graham concludes:
A world in which losing candidates can indefinitely delay the certification of elections with ex post facto challenges is one that could paralyze democratic government. Given the contempt for voters on display here, maybe that’s the point.
Just like cruelty that way.
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