When Will Iraq Be Free?
An e-mail from Rick Perlstein and some of the comments from others to my post below, have made me realize that there is a corollary to The Question:
George Bush said that Casey Sheehan died in a noble cause. We know that this noble cause was not to “disarm Sadam Hussein” because Saddam Hussein had already been disarmed. Perhaps some thought that he hadn’t and so pushed for war, but that is not noble. That’s a terrible mistake.
We know that this noble cause was not to fight terrorism. There was no terrorism in Iraq, it had no association with 9/11 and they knew it. The terrorist mastermind of 9/11 remains at large — his number two guy just put out another video. By all accounts the invasion of Iraq has inspired terrorist recruiting. And terrorists just attacked London, the capital of our closest ally. Perhaps some thought that invading a country that had nothing to do with terrorism in order to fight terrorism was noble, but it isn’t. That’s a horrible delusion.
So, we are left with the final reason. We are there for the noble purpose of bringing freedom to the middle east.
The question then becomes: Have we brought freedom to Iraq?
It is occupied by a foreign power and is dividing and sub-dividing among ethnic and religious factions that are killing Americans and each other. And they are very likely to put in place religious laws that will make half of the country, along all religious and ethnic lines, demonstrably less free than they were under Saddam. Our occupation is creating conditions that make freedom more unlikely than if we leave. As president Bush famously said, “they’re not happy they’re occupied. I wouldn’t be happy if I were occupied either.”
So, I ask these people who can so easily dismiss all the earlier reasons they fervently believed demonstrated that invading Iraq was a noble and just cause: If we haven’t yet brought freedom to Iraq, when will Iraq be free?
I certainly hope that nobody is going to say that Casey Sheehan died so that Iraq can spend the next thirty years in a civil war, as the Marie Antoinette of the beltway, David Ignatius, suggested. He believes that America’s noble cause will be a success if we turn Iraq into Lebanon circa 1975:
The alarm bells are ringing in Iraq this summer. I don’t agree with Gaaod that it’s time to abandon Iraqi democracy. And I don’t think the Bush administration should jettison its baseline strategy of training Iraqi security forces to take over from U.S. troops. But Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s trip to Iraq this week carried the implicit message that America’s time, money and patience in Iraq are not endless. The Iraqis must step up and find their own solutions.
Wise observers see new cause for anxiety. John Burns of the New York Times suggested last Sunday that an Iraqi civil war may already have begun, in the Sunni suicide attacks against Shiite targets and in the anti-Sunni death squads that are said to have been organized by Shiite militias. Michael Young, the opinion editor of the Beirut Daily Star, wrote a column yesterday, “Preparing for a shipwreck in the Middle East,” in which he cautioned: “The American adventure in Iraq — creative, bold and potentially revolutionary — threatens to sink under the weight of a Sunni insurgency that has fed off the Bush administration’s frequent incompetence in prosecuting postwar stabilization and rehabilitation.”
A useful rule about Iraq is that things are never as good as they seem in the up times, nor as bad as they seem in the down times. That said, things do look pretty darn bad right now, and U.S. officials need to ponder whether their strategy for stabilizing the country is really working.
Pessimists increasingly argue that Iraq may be going the way of Lebanon in the 1970s. I hope that isn’t so, and that Iraq avoids civil war. But people should realize that even Lebanonization wouldn’t be the end of the story. The Lebanese turned to sectarian militias when their army and police couldn’t provide security. But through more than 15 years of civil war, Lebanon continued to have a president, a prime minister, a parliament and an army. The country was on ice, in effect, while the sectarian battles raged. The national identity survived, and it came roaring back this spring in the Cedar Revolution that drove out Syrian troops.
What happens in Iraq will depend on Iraqi decisions. One of those is whether the Iraqi people continue to want U.S. help in rebuilding their country. For now, America’s job is to keep training an Iraqi army and keep supporting an Iraqi government — even when those institutions sometimes seem to be illusions. Iraq is in torment, but the Lebanon example suggests that with patient help, its institutions can survive this nightmare.
I’ll probably be dead by the time Iraq would get through the next 35 years of bloodshed, along with hundreds of thousands of much younger Iraqis and Americans who will be killed before their time, so I won’t be able to celebrate the noble success of keeping institutions, as opposed to people, alive.
Spencer Ackerman in TNR said it best:
In this blithe description, fifteen years of carnage and atrocity followed by a further fifteen years of foreign domination was merely a prelude to the hopeful scenes of Martyrs’ Square. (Hey, you need martyrs, right?) It’s a debatable contention whether the “national identity” of Lebanon survived, though sectarian loyalty certainly deepened. What aren’t debatable contentions are that 100,000 people didn’t survive, nearly another million were displaced, and one of the world’s premier jihadist networks, the still-powerful Hezbollah, was born. These aren’t footnotes, and I have a feeling that the participants of the Cedar Revolution would never dream of treating them as such.
So, yes, an Iraqi civil war–which could be as bad as, or even worse than, Lebanon’s civil war–really is the end of the debate about whether the decision to invade Iraq was justified. (As TNR editorialized a year ago: “Iraq’s political future could well be decided by guns rather than ballots. If another dictator murders his way to power, or the country dissolves into violent fiefdoms, the war will have proved not just a strategic failure, but a moral one as well.”) Sure, something would follow a civil war, but our enterprise won’t and shouldn’t be judged by that far-distant outcome. Instead, it should be judged by the path that led, under U.S. auspices, to widespread sectarian violence.
If we invaded Iraq to liberate it only to watch it decend into chaos,sectarian violence or fundamentalist theocratic rule (which we will, of course, eventually escape because as Don Rumsfeld says, “our patience is not infinite”) then invading Iraq will finally, definitively not be a noble cause. Freedom may be untidy — this is a bloody misbegotten mess. It is possible that this will not happen. But each day that goes by the odds are getting worse. And in every measurable way so far, the Iraqis in their everyday lives are less free than they were before. They are in constant danger of being killed in random and not so random violence over which they have no control. Violent anarchy is not freedom.
Oh, and by the way, Islamic fundamentalist terrorism continues unabated.
.