It seems that most market players sufficiently discount what Bush says about economics that his remarks had no major effect on the markets. They seem to understand that Bush has no clue about economics. Nevertheless, his remarks still reflect staggeringly poor judgement on Bush’s part, particularly for calling into question the Fed’s motives for its interest rate policy.
But perhaps Bush was then trying to fix things (in an odd sort of way) when he later made it completely clear exactly how poor his understanding of international economics is:
Bush said one way to combat the U.S. trade deficit, which hit a record $55.6 billion in October and which is a major factor behind the dollar’s slide, was to buy American.
‘There’s a trade deficit. That’s easy to resolve. People can buy more United States products if they’re worried about the trade deficit,’ he joked.
If Bush ever listened to his economic advisors he would understand that the trade deficit has nothing to do with Americans’ preference for imported goods over domestic goods, and everything to do with Americans’ preference for consuming more than they produce. So maybe the clever Bush added this comment to reassure the markets that he really has no idea what he’s talking about when it comes to international economics, so they really shouldn’t pay attention to what he says. If it weren’t for the slight detail that Bush is actually the person who gets to make the final decisions on economic policy for the country, reassuring the markets that he doesn’t understand how the economy works would be an excellent idea.
Perhaps this is what the last remaining thinking Republicans believe when they hear Bush speaking unintelligible gibberish — he is actually reassuring markets that they needn’t pay any attention to what he says. But it is past time that they come to the realization, however frightening it may be, that Bush actually is making decisions. In the first term it seemed clear that he was manipulated by a powerful group of courtiers who were able to guide him in the direction they wanted him to go through flattery and access. Now that he has been validated by the people his personal arrogance has come to the fore.
All we need do is look to the Kerik debacle to see that Bush himself is now making decisions and he is doing it against the will of his advisors. It is obvious that Kerik appealed to Bush as a man’s man. It was a sympatico relationship — a pair of testosterone cowboys, one blue, one red, in love with their images as tough guys who take no shit. Bush saw in Kerik the man he now believes he is — self-made, salt of the earth, leader of men, killer of bad guys. The empty frat boy and the crooked bureaucrat teamed up as adventure heroes.
The minute I read about this I knew that this had been a case of Bush saying “I take the man at his word, Alberto, now make it happen.” This wasn’t sloppy vetting. It was Junior issuing an edict based upon his vaunted “gut” with the predictable result. And I have no doubt that rather than blame himself for this mess, the Preznit blames Kerik for not being the man that Bush wanted him to be and blames the others for being right. (And I imagine that Bush will stick with Rumsfeld no matter what for the simple reason that so many want him out. That’s the way dumb megalomaniacs think.)
This is the big story of the second term. Bush himself is now completely in charge. He did what his old man couldn’t do. He has been freed of all constraints, all humility and all sense of proportion. Nobody can run him, not Cheney, not Condi, not Card. He has a sense of his power that he didn’t have before. You can see it. From now on nobody can tell him nothin. It makes the hair on the back of your neck stand up, doesn’t it?
Josh Marshall offers some excellent advice on where to go (and where not to go) with this social security debate. I would imagine that we will all have a lot to say about this in the next few months, but I would like to offer one small observation right now.
It is true that the president is lying about the crisis and about his solution, but that is a very complicated point to make to the public, particularly in the media climate in which “A Barney Christmas” is shown on a loop. We are right to formulate the argument for those occasions when we are dealing with people who are really interested in the details, but we should not make the mistake of thinking that reason is going to win this fight. This fight will be won on emotion.
The Republicans have been planting these seeds for a long, long time. They have been saying for decades that Social Security was going broke. This is what they do. They create a slogan then they wash rinse and repeat again and again if need be to instill a sense of CW about the issues they care about. They have slowly built the sense of crisis where one does not exist and now that they have President Reckless in the White House they are going to see if they can get away with taking action.
The main question that needs to be asked and answered is why and I think it’s clear that they have sown the seed of “crisis” for many years simply because they want to destroy social security. And the good news for us is that that meme has been in the body politic for far longer than the social security “crisis,” (which is why they were forced to dress this thing up as reform in the first place.)
They want to destroy social security. They voted against it in 1935 and they have been trying to figure out a way to get rid of it ever since. The Republicans do not believe that we should have a safety net for old people. They never have.
Don’t get bogged down in details, just repeat, repeat, repeat. They do not believe that the government should provide all Americans with a small guaranteed income when they are unable to work due to old age or debilitating illness. They never have. The Republicans want to destroy social security.
My grandfather used to believe that back in the 60’s and it’s still true today. He believed it because people like Ronald Reagan were saying back then that social security was a bad deal:
But we’re against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood. They’ve called it “insurance” to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program. They only use the term “insurance” to sell it to the people. And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole. But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble. And they’re doing just that.
A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary — his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65. The government promises 127. He could live it up until he’s 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can’t put this program on a sound basis, so that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they’re due — that the cupboard isn’t bare?
That was forty years ago. Later, in the 1980’s, Ronald Reagan’s indiscreet budget director David Stockman admitted that the purpose of ginning up the social security crisis was “to permit the politicians to make it look like they are doing something for the beneficiary population when they are doing something to it, which they normally would not have the courage to undertake.” And then with masterful chutzpah, considering his famous “Choice” speech from 1964 excerpted above, Ronnie then went on to use the so-called “looming” SS crisis to great effect — he flogged the GOP contention that the program was insolvent (as they’d been doing for fifty years) and also raised the payroll taxes which they immediately raided to cover their budget deficit. And now, lo and behold, we are “in crisis” again. Imagine that. Brilliant.
It’s been the same old crap forever. But unlike today, the Democrats of 1964 were willing to fight fire with fire on these issues and they had absolutely no problem depicting the Republicans as wanting to throw old people out on the ice flow as an illustration of their true intent on social security. (Rick Perlstein’s “Before The Storm” is indispensible for an understanding of the politics of that era.) It’s true that Goldwater never said that he wanted to destroy social security, but Lyndon Johnson had no problem accusing him of it. And the fact is that he, like all wingnuts, have always wanted to destroy it. He was a hero of the John Birch Society and the destruction of social security was always right up there with the abolition of the graduated income tax, the impeachment of various high government officials, the end to busing for the purpose of school integration and the end to U.S. membership in the United Nations. (Hmmmmm)
“Republicans want to destroy Social Security” has been in our civic bloodstream for a lot longer than “private accounts.” Every citizen over 45 has heard it a million times. Let’s wake it up and put it to work. Demagogue the motherfucker, just like LBJ did. That’s what they would do. That’s what we used to do. I’m sorry we don’t live in a wonderful era of reason and good will but we don’t. The Republicans have always wanted to destroy social security and they have always said that it was running out of money and that it was a bad deal for the average worker. And they have always been wrong. We need to remind America about that.
Update: Liberal Oasis thinks that Marshall is wrong to say that we shouldn’t argue that the Wall Street fat cats will benefit from this new scheme and I think he’s right in that it is a useful piece of the populist argument. However, I don’t think as he does that it goes to motive as powerfully as the argument that “they just don’t believe in it, they never have.” Their motive for destroying social security is that it puts the lie to their contention that government can’t be trusted to do any positive social good. They are wrong and social security proves it. That’s why they must create the lie that it won’t work even while it’s clearly working. As the quotes above prove, they’ve been crying wolf for decades and yet the program continues to provide millions of old and disabled people a bare minimum of income when they are past their working years and it will continue to be funded, fairly painlessly, for at least another forty years. It’s very existence is a slap in the face to the Republican philosophy. That’s why they must destroy it.
Martin Frost was just on Fox, making his case for Democratic Chairman. He didn’t jump to the bait about “the left” and merely made the point that the country is somewhere in the middle. He pointed out that the Democrats were actually more serious about fighting terrorism — that we had proposed the Homeland Security department and 9/11 commission and the president had opposed them. He’s not my choice, but at least he didn’t say that we should start some Stalinesque purges in the party.
The FOX whore switched on his robotic talking points at the appropriate moment, interrupting Frost’s litany of Democratic responses to terrorism with the required smirk, asking Frost how he explained the presence of Michael Moore at the Democratic convention?
Frost, like all Democrats, seems stymied by this and I don’t know why. Democrats should just laugh and reply, “Oh come on. Republicans having the vapors over Michael Moore just makes me laugh. There are plenty of provocative Republican media personalities making tons and tons of money saying shocking things. Rush Limbaugh said that Abu Ghraib was a harmless college prank. Ann Coulter said that the terrorists should have blown up the NY Times. I could go on.”
“But they aren’t invited to sit with former presidents at the Democratic convention!”
“Nope. The sitting Vice President himself appears on Limbaugh’s show.”
This fuss about Michael Moore is useful to us. We can use this to point out the nutty eliminationist rhetoric on the part of their guys. From now on nobody should ever mention Michael Moore without getting a Rush Limbaugh anecdote in return. They are both partisan media personalities and if they are going to trot out Moore as being the personification of left wing “moonbattery”, it’s a great opportunity to draw a comparison to the wild-eyed wingnuts of the right and perhaps bring them back into the realm of crazy aunts in the attic. That reduces their power. Gotta chip away at the Wurlitzer every way we can.
Of course, that means that Democrats have to be prepared before they speak to the media. Never mind.
Am I crazy or does this stultifying Barney video go on longer than Titanic?
I thought it was aimed at kids but CNN just informed me that this is the White House’s gift to the entire country for Christmas. I shouldn’t be surprised. Only an infantile electorate could have elected such an infantile president.
Discussions on climate change are at an impasse. Some of those who fret about man-made emissions of greenhouse gases claim it’s a threat that trumps all others, including terrorism. Others argue that we have more pressing concerns, such as the developing world’s dehumanizing poverty and disease.
So the people who dispute the science of Global Warming do so because they are concerned about the more pressing concerns of poverty and disease. Uh Huh. Of course, they have faith that if they just do exactly what they want, the magical market will solve everybody’s problems and we can all live happily ever after rolling around in our thousand dollar bills. Clap Your Hands!
At some level, science probably will never resolve what to do about global warming. Climate change is complex, with scores of variables and time-frame considerations of decades and even centuries. Both sides have substantial data that support their points of view. Both sides also believe that to the extent the science is “settled,” it’s settled in ways that undergird their respective policy prescriptions.
But science is inherently descriptive, not prescriptive. It can only inform us about the likely consequences of actions. It doesn’t tell us — and shouldn’t tell us — if those actions should be taken. That arena is reserved for politics, where moral judgments and philosophical views matter alongside scientific truth. Morality and philosophy are often best examined and illustrated not through scientific discourse but through narratives, theology and storytelling.
Jesus H. Christ. These guys are not only rejecting the Enlightenment, they are laying the groundwork to consciously bring about another dark ages.
I’m telling you, we need to be concerned that people who think like this are operating heavy machinery. Let’s examine the moral and philosophical dimensions of gravity, shall we? Or perhaps we should have some theologians weigh in on whether we should worry about bacteria.
There is, interestingly, one area in which they do not feel it necessary to discuss science in a philosophical, moral or, let’s face it, Biblical sense. In fact they prefer not to discuss it in public at all if possible:
If the Bush administration succeeds in its determined but little-noticed push to develop a new generation of nuclear weapons, this sun-baked desert flatland 65 miles northwest of Las Vegas could once again reverberate with the ground-shaking thumps of nuclear explosions that used to be common here.
But “Icecap,” the test of a bomb 10 times the size of the one that devastated the Japanese city of Hiroshima in 1945, was halted when the first President Bush placed a moratorium on U.S. nuclear tests in October 1992. The voluntary test ban came two years after Russia stopped its nuclear tests.
[…]
Last year the White House released, to little publicity, the 2002 Nuclear Posture Review. That policy paper embraces the use of nuclear weapons in a first strike and on the battlefield; it also says a return to nuclear testing may soon be necessary. It was coupled with a request for $70 million to study and develop new types of nuclear weapons and to shorten the time it would take to test them.
I think that the real Republican agenda is to make liberals’ heads explode trying to wrap our minds around the endless contradictions of the GOP position. It is a cunning plan and one that I fear is working only too well.
Even if you choose not to vote, go check it out for the great links to new blogs, underappreciated blogs and best post nominations. It’s a treasure trove of great unsung lefty humor and insight.
UPDATE: While you’re over there, put some $$$$ in the tip jar. It’s costing the Wampum team big bucks to do this thing. This is a labor of love for the left blogosphere and we should give some of that love back.
[Sen.] Harry Reid said Monday his party will launch investigative hearings next year in response to what he said was the reluctance of Republicans to look into problems in the Bush administration.
“There are too many unasked and unanswered questions and the American public deserves better,” the Nevada senator said…
…Sen. Byron Dorgan…said the first hearing will be at the end of January and he suggested it might focus on contract abuse in Iraq…
They said issues that “cry out” for closer investigation…include the administration’s use of prewar intelligence and its reported effort to stifle information about the true cost of the new Medicare prescription drug benefit.
Reid also mentioned global warming and the “No Child Left Behind” education program as topics that needed a closer look.
In all likelihood, they recognized the great success Rep. Henry Waxman and his staff had publishing their own report on federally funded abstinence-only programs.
That showed how a minority party can make news and put the majority party on the defensive.
Now the key is to tie all of this corruption, misdirection and ineptitude into Bush’s plan to destroy Social Security. I’m more and more convinced that this is not only necessary for its own sake, but will result in many other political rewards for the Democrats. Bush is a lame duck. He has far less political capital than he thinks he has. He’s fucked up the War on terror and he knows it and this is his last big chance for a “positive” long term legacy. If we are able to stop him we may just show the American people that we have some guts after all and position ourselves for a big come back in 06 and 08.
The alternative is to allow him to destroy the most succesful social program in the history of this country, an act that will affect real human beings in our towns, neighborhoods and families. If SS isn’t worth fighting for with everything we have then we truly are worthless.
Is there something about MSnbc that makes some writers particularly dumb about blogging? I just heard Chris Matthews say (as he does every night) “if you want to blog, go on over to Hardblogger at …”
The bloggers who follow technology consist of a particularly evolved community. The alphas, or “A-listers,” as they call themselves, commonly cross-link to one another, with the effect of having one of their comments amplified and commented on.
Ooooh. You say these “A-listers” cross link one another? And then people comment on their comments? Wow. I can hardly wait until the rest of the blogosphere is as evolved.
In the tech conferences you can often spot them in person, clustering toward the wall so they can keep their laptops plugged in. No matter where they are, they maintain a running conversation with their unseen audience, which can be as big as 20,000 visitors on a good day.
If that’s a good day then these “A-listers” are a bunch of punks. Atrios and Kos get that in an hour.
There is, of course, plenty of blog action in the tech sector but it is a tiny specialized corner compared to the much more highly evolved political blogosphere. But then, Newsweek probably thinks that Chris Matthews is a real blogger. Or rather they think that anyone reading Chris Matthews’ “blog” is a blogger.
September 22, 1993 – Bill Clinton, delivers his health care speech to a joint session of Congress … Response is overwhelmingly favorable. During TV interviews immediately afterward, House and Senate Republicans criticize Clinton for failing to provide specific details. HIAA and NFIB lobbyists, as well as lobbyists for other organizations, condemn the President’s remarks and repeatedly charge that the Clinton plan will lead to a “tremendous dislocation of employees” and prevent American families from keeping the health care they already have.[They begin a series of ads colllectively known as the “Harry and Louise spots.”]
September 28, 1993 – Hillary Clinton begins several days of testimony on health care before five congressional committees… Its very success, however, triggers new and intense activity among opponenys who see in her a foe whose defeat will require their most determined efforts.
October – November 1993 – Ira Magaziner is besieged by interest group representatives and members of Congress, all demanding last-minute adjustments.
October 27, 1993 – Clinton, in an attempt to recapture public support, formally presents his plan to Congress in a staged media event in the old chamber of the House. …House Minority Leader Bob Michel of Illinois stuns observers with a forceful, bold, and unsparing attack on the very premise of the Clinton plan. Even those who have not closely followed the debate immediately understand what this laying down of the gauntlet by a moderate like Michel means: It is a clear signal of all-out Republican opposition.
November 1, 1993 – Hillary Clinton launches a scathing attack against the insurance industry to counter the highly damaging “Harry and Louise” ads…Her assault makes front-page newspaper stories, network TV news shows, and calls more attention to HIAA’s role and message.
The success of HIAA ads give an immense boost to the organization’s fund-raising. In the space of a few weeks, the budget for the campaign expands fivefold from $4 million to $20 million.In the end, HIAA raises and spends about $30 million more than its normal annual operating budget of $20 million — a grand total of almost $50 million to the lobbying effort. The money HIAA accumulates for the fight pays not only for the Harry and Louise ads but also for a grassroots campaign that dwarfs anything the interest group has ever done. The effort produces more than four hundred fifty thousand contacts with Congress — phone calls, visits, or letters -almost a thousand to every member of the House and Senate.
November 20, 1993 – The Health Care bill is finally presented to Congress.
December 2, 1993 – Leading conservative operative William Kristol privately circulates a strategy document to Republicans in Congress. Kristol writes that congressional Republicans should work to “kill” — not amend — the Clinton plan because it presents a real danger to the Republican future: Its passage will give the Democrats a lock on the crucial middle-class vote and revive the reputation of the party. Nearly a full year before Republicans will unite behind the “Contract With America,” Kristol has provided the rationale and the steel for them to achieve their aims of winning control of Congress and becoming America’s majority party. Killing health care will serve both ends. The timing of the memo dovetails with a growing private consensus among Republicans that all-out opposition to the Clinton plan is in their best political interest. Until the memo surfaces, most opponents prefer behind-the-scenes warfare largely shielded from public view. The boldness of Kristol’s strategy signals a new turn in the battle. Not only is it politically acceptable to criticize the Clinton plan on policy grounds, it is also politically advantageous. By the end of 1993, blocking reform poses little risk as the public becomes increasingly fearful of what it has heard about the Clinton plan.
December 19, 1993 – Stories about a new Clinton scandal continue to chip away at the reserves of political capital the President and First Lady will need when Congress returns in January.
January 3, 1994 – Republicans link Whitewater with health care reform in an allout campaign coordinated with the conservative talk radio network. The result: rising doubts that the public can trust Clinton in either case.
January 25, 1994 – The barrage of Whitewater stories continues, creating a siege mentality at the White House. Republicans openly embrace William Kristol’s latest advice: Oppose any Clinton health care reform “sight unseen” and adopt a stance that “There is no health care crisis.” Bob Dole uses this approach in his State of the Union response. During his talk Dole uses a chart — depicting a bewildering array of new government agencies and programs — to hammer home his point that the Clinton plan is government-run health care. The chart becomes a centerpiece in Capitol Hill debates and further frightens a public already Suspicious of government and increasingly distrustful of the President and the First Lady who have designed this new government program.
Late January 1994 – A critically influential — and intensely controversial — pair of articles appears on the Wall Street Journal’s conservative editorial page and in the liberal New Republic…The White House, and other independent experts, say the articles are filled with patent falsehoods and distortions…Newt Gingrich will later characterize them as “the first decisive breakpoint” in support for the Clinton plan.
Early February 1994 – Another blow is dealt to the President’s credibility as former Arkansas state employee Paula Corbin Jones announces a lawsuit against him for sexual harassment and civil rights violations…the Business Roundtable, perhaps the most prestigious of all business groups, endorses the rival Cooper plan >as the best “starting point” for congressional action on health care reform.
The Chamber of Commerce of the United States changes its position and comes out against the Clinton plan. Behind the change of direction is an intensive grassroots campaign, waged against the Chamber’s national leadership by congressional Republicans and the No Name Coalition.
February 5, 1994 – The board of the National Association of Manufacturers passes a resolution declaring its opposition to the Clinton plan.
March 1994 – Democrat John Dingell approaches Carlos Moorhead of California -the senior Republican on his committee — to raise the possibility of working out a health bill together. According to Dingell, Moorhead responds: “There’s no way you’re going to get a single vote on this [Republican] side of the aisle. You will not only not get a vote here, but we’ve been instructed that if we participate in that undertaking at all, those of us who do will lose Our seniority and will not be ranking minority members within the Republican Party.”
March 4-5, 1994 – Newt Gingrich…implicitly warns GOP senators that any Republican concessions will be met with more Democratic demands. Phill Gramm also weighs in against any Republican compromise on health reform. This meeting becomes a crucial step, not in forming a Republican alternative to the Clinton plan but in demonstrating to Dole how dangerous it will be for him to be part of any compromise.
End of March 1994 – Republicans seize on Whitewater even more aggressively, once more linking it directly with health reform, House Republican Lamar Smith of Texas sends a letter to each of his House colleagues and all their administrative assistants and press secretaries urging them to focus on one theme in their speeches, columns for the press, and media and constituent contacts for the next week: “Whitewater and Health Care.” Included in the four-page letter is a list of suggested attack sound bites and quotes to be used by all GOP colleagues. In all this time nothing has been done by the White House to launch any kind of grassroots support campaign for health care reform.
April 19, 1994 – The Finance Committee begins holding closed-door sessions to discuss health care reform and deal with a central problem: how to finance the program the President wants. That same day,Rush Limbaugh, echoing the Republicans strategy line, tells his listeners that “Whitewater is about health care.”
May 31, 1994 – … pressure from the Republican Right increases. Six prominent conservative activists — Richard Viguerie, Phyllis Schlafly, L. Brent Bozell, and three others — send Dole and Gingrich an open letter warning that any “willingness to coinpromise on behalf of Big Government” will make it “impossible” for Dole and Gingrich to find conservative grassroots support in 1996.
A federal grand jury indicts Rep. Rostenkowski on seventeen counts of conspiring to defraud the government. He is required to step aside as chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee — a crippling blow to any effort to pass health care reform through the House.
Spring 1994 – Republicans other than Newt Gingrich begin to see a tantalizing prospect of winning control of Congress by opposing the Clinton health plan as a quintessential example of Big Government Democratic liberalism run wild. An article in the right-wing American Spectator Suggests Dole’s presidential prospects hinge on his ability to block any govemment-run health care system. Dole’s top aide, Sheila Burke, quickly finds herself the target of abuse from ultraconservatives because of Dole’s seeming moderate stance.
Early June 1994 – Archconservatives plant stories in the news media targeting Republican moderates or anyone else who is not a “true believer.” During Senate Finance Committee deliberations on the reform bill, the Washington Times weighs in with more of the same. “Some GOP colleagues and their staff view Mr. Dole’s chief of staff and health care guru, Sheila Burke, as a liberal Democrat,” the paper said, adding, “‘Our No. 1’s No. 1 is a liberal Democrat.”‘
June 11, 1994 – At a Republican meeting in Boston, Dole promises to “filibuster and kill” any health care bill with an employer mandate.
June 15, 1994 – Bill Clinton begins individual Oval Office exploratory meetings with Senate Republican moderates Chafee, Durenberger, and Danforth. Clinton impresses them with his detailed knowledge of compromises tinder discussion and his eagerness to move the process forward. He complains to Durenberger, “Every time I start in the middle, Bob Dole moves the middle to the right.”
June 1994 – HIAA brings back its “Harry and Louise” campaign for another month’s run, this time targeting provisions in the Clinton plan that will impose backup controls on health care spending and require standard premiums for all those insured. At the same time, HIAA — in a blatantly cynical move — runs a print ad that appears only in Washington and is obviously intended to be conciliatory to the playmakers of the capital. The ad emphasizes HIAA’s support for universal health care coverage and insurance reform. Pro-reform groups fight back but are badly out spent. The DNC, for example, announces a one-week, $150,000 ad campaign, ostensibly designed to produce phone calls to Congress demanding “the real thing” in reform. But the DNC buys time only on Washington, D.C., stations — not in the grassroots, where it counts.
June 29, 1994 – The major business lobbies fighting the Clinton plan swing behind the Dole-Packwood bill in the Senate, as they had done behind the Rowland-Bilirakis bill in the House. Incremental reform is all they will support. The Republican National Committee, happy to have something to be for, launches ads saying this is the way — the only way — to achieve bipartisan agreement.
July 22, 1994 – Trying to win back the kind of political support that brought them to the White House, the administration plans a bus trek across America to generate their own grassroots message to Congress for reform. A kickoff rally in Portland, Oregon, is marred by anti-Clinton protesters. When the first buses reach the highway they find a broken-down bus wreathed in red tape symbolizing government bureaucracy and hitched to a tow truck labeled, “This is Clinton Health Care.” The anti-bus trek protests are the crowning success of the No Name Coalition and especially of the conservative political interest group Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE). By the time the ill-fated bus caravan takes to the highways, CSE operatives, working closely — and secretly — with Newt Gingrich’s Capitol Hill office and with Republican senators, have mapped out plans to derail the Reform Riders wherever they go.
July 23, 1994 – Following several days of anti-Hillary rhetoric on local talk shows, Hillary Clinton — at a bus rally in Seattle — is confronted by hundreds of angry men shouting that the Clintons are going to destroy their way of life, ban guns, extend abortion rights, protect gays, and socialize medicine. When she finishes speaking and tries to leave the rally, her Iimousine is surrounded by protesters. Each of the four caravan routes becomes an expedition into enemy territory — with better-armed, better-prepared, better-mobilized anti-Clinton protesters at each stop along the way. Local reform groups and caravan organizers are forced to cancel scheduled stops because of implicit threats of violence.
July 24, 1994 – In an interview with Newt Gingrich, the New York Times reports that Gingrich has united House Republicans against passage of health reform and hopes “to use the issue as a springboard to win Republican control of the House.” Gingrich goes on to predict that Republicans will pick up thirty-four House seats in the November elections and that half a dozen disaffected Democrats will switch parties to give Republicans control. The story attracts little attention.
August 3, 1994 – Clinton gives an emotional address in the White House Rose Garden, where he and the First Lady greet six hundred Reform Riders after their buses finally arrive in Washington — timed to coincide with the day Mitchell introduces his health care reform “rescue” in the Senate, and Gephardt introduces his bill in the House. Mitchell’s compromise is much less bureaucratic and government-driven than the Clinton plan. It puts off any requirement that employers provide employees health insurance until early in the next century. It makes a major concession to small businesses by exempting any employer with twenty-five or fewer employees from providing coverage. And it aims at guaranteeing insurance for 95 percent of Americans by the year 2000.
Mid August 1994 – Newt Gingrich strikes. For more than a year, he has marshaled his forces like a guerrilla army and coordinated the Republican attack strategy with the congressional Theme Team and economic allies in the grassroots campaign. Now he springs his ambush by attacking — not the Democratic health bill being introduced in the House, but the least expected target, the crime bill. His plan is to bring Congress to a halt, strand the health effort, send lawmakers home, and deny Democrats the opportunity to record a vote on health care reform before the fall elections.
August 11, 1994 – Foley and Gephardt try to bring the crime bill before the full House for debate and then a vote. They know the procedural vote to begin debate will be close but they expect to prevail. Instead they lose by fifteen votes after fifty eight Democrats bolt their party and join the opposition. Congressional leaders announce that health care will be delayed indefinitely. Delay and obstruction also tie up the Senate.
August 15, 1994 – Mitchell threatens to keep the Senate in nonstop, round-the-clock session until Republicans agree to start voting.
August 16, 1994 – The final round of “Harry and Louise” commercials begins airing nationally. At the same time, the final outpouring of faxes, phone calls, and letters mounted by the small-business lobby floods Washington offices.
August 18, 1994 – Democrats gather for a private leadership luncheon. Though the initial remarks by senators are polite, they clearly contain strong criticism of the Mitchell bill. The meeting erupts into a stormy confrontation between Ted Kennedy and Bob Kerrey, who get into a shouting match that shows how deep the divisions in the Democratic party have become. This leaves observers stunned and convinced the party is falling apart.
August 25, 1994 – Democratic leaders of both congressional chambers give up on health care and announce they are letting their members go home for their much-postponed vacation. Neither the Senate (where Democrats outnumber Republicans fifty-six to forty-four) nor the House (with a Democratic majority of 257 to 176) has come close to passing, or even voting on, any health bill.
Late August 1994 – Democrats begin preparing for the November elections by distancing themselves from their President — and from the reform he has attempted.
September 19, 1994 – The New York Times reports remarks — never subsequently denied — that Bob Packwood made to his Republican senatorial colleagues during closed-door strategy sessions while he was managing the Republican attack during the summer. “We’ve killed health care reform,” Packwood told his fellow Republican senators. “Now we’ve got to make sure our fingerprints are not on it.” For many this is the “smoking gun”: proof of a carefully plotted, and secret, Republican strategy.
Congress reconvenes. Mitchell hopes to set aside four days for Senate debate on the new Mainstream bill and then schedule a straight up-or-down vote. Republicans begin mobilizing for a filibuster to keep the bill from reaching the floor. Supporters realize they don’t have enough votes to break the filibuster.
September 20, 1994 – Newt Gingrich privately warns Bill Clinton in the White House that if he continues to push for health reform in the closing days of the session, he will lose the Republican support needed to pass GATT, which the President believes is critical to the U.S. economic position as the leader of the Western alliance. George Mitchell, repeating this Gingrich threat to colleagues privately immediately after, describes it as “an atomic bomb blast.”
September 26, 1994 – At a news conference in the Capitol, George Mitchell pulls the plug on health care reform.
September 27, 1994 – William Kristol of the Project for the Republican Future spell out the next stage of the battle plan to change the makeup of Congress. “I think we can continue to wrap the Clinton plan around the necks of Democratic candidates.” Some observers urge the White House to make some kind of public statement about special interests, all the money expended, and the fact that most Republicans were clearly committed from day one to killing reform, but no statement is forthcoming.
October 7, 1994 – Congress adjourns.
November 8, 1994 – Voters deliver a massive repudiation of President Clinton, break the forty-year hold of Democrats on Congress, restore Republicans to power at ever level of government, and set the stage for a further test over the nation’s ideological future in 1996. In two years the Democrats have gone from a controlling majority 258 seats in the House of Representatives to a minority of 204. In all the contests House, Senate, and gubernatorial seats, not a single Republican seeking reelection loses.
Late 1994 – As the Gingrich Revolution in Congress prepares to assume office, a Gallup poll shows that 72 percent of the public lists major health care reform as a top or high priority. Only crime and deficit reduction rank higher.
REMINDER: The Democrats controlled the House, the Senate and the Presidency when this went down.
Frank Lautenberg (D-NJ) sends a nice letter to the lobotomized castrati who edit the Washington Post…I like how we have to rely on career politicians to provide a check on the corruption and idiocy of the media. That’s a quite healthy situation, and not at all fucked up. Sleep tight.
This really is reaching crisis proportions. In order to appease the mouthbreathing neanderthals who insist that science is just another “opinion”, the L.C. are actually disseminating total bullshit to the public and calling it fact.
This is a problem. The people who believe Republican science are the ones driving big cars and handling your food. It’s dangerous.