And spaghetti against the wall
Political skulduggery is born here and raised elsewhere. The North Carolina GOP should advertise.
When Republicans won control of North Carolina’s state Supreme Court in 2022, the new 5-2 court quickly reversed a previous ruling and ordered a new redraw of the state’s congressional districts. The new map turned a 7-7 partisan balance in this evenly divided state into an 11-3 split favoring Republicans. Results borne out on Nov. 5 will be felt on Capitol Hill and across the nation. Down-ballot races matter. A lot.
A month after Election Day, political power struggles continue in North Carolina. The GOP supermajority in the state House will attempt today to override Gov. Roy Cooper’s veto of a bill marketed as “disaster relief” for western North Carolina. Branded “a sham” by Cooper, the bill “appropriated no new money for areas hit by Helene, nor created the small-business grants requested by local business leaders and Gov. Roy Cooper, a Democrat.” But the measure does strip powers from Democrats elected on Nov. 5 to the state’s executive branch. The veto override hangs on the votes of three WNC Republicans who voted against bill.
Also today, the state’s Board of Elections is expected to hear election protests by Court of Appeals Judge Jefferson Griffin in his race for a seat on the state Supreme Court. The Board on Tuesday issued a press release denying Griffin’s request for a statewide hand recount. After multiple recounts, Griffin trails incumbent State Supreme Court Justice Allison Riggs by 734 votes.
Griffin has challenged the validity of 60,000 votes cast across the state, nearly 1,600 in my county alone, four of them my friends. Griffin alleges those voters, some of whom have voted for decades, are ineligible to cast ballots.
Chris Cooper, a political science professor at Western Carolina University, believes Griffin’s “incentive is to throw everything at the wall and see what sticks.”
End game
The Raleigh News & Observer reports:
The final count of votes in the race on Tuesday upheld Democratic incumbent Allison Riggs’s victory, reports Kyle Ingram. That means Griffin’s protests, which the North Carolina Democratic Party has challenged in federal court, may be his only avail. If they’re accepted, it could change the race’s outcome.
[…]
If the board rules against Griffin, he could appeal to the Wake County Superior Court. From there, he could eventually appeal the case to the state Supreme Court.
This is the GOP’s end game, suggests a former Democratic consultant:
“The question is, can the Republicans take what’s going on here and turn it into a semi-legitimate case?” said Pope McCorkle III, known as Mac, a former Democratic political consultant and professor of public policy at Duke University. “If they can, Riggs might lose.”
The odds are stacked in a North Carolina court that’s already handed control of the U.S. House of Representatives to Republicans.
“What’s happening in North Carolina is sinister, and it will have a chilling effect on our democracy and our country if they’re able to get away with what they’re trying to achieve,” said N.C. Democratic Party chair Anderson Clayton at a Tuesday news conference.
But there is something more sinister going on than Griffin’s challenge to 60,000 voters in his race. If state Republicans can make their ineligible voter allegations stick in court, they might trigger a state provision for holding new elections in multiple races, not just in his. By triggering a do-over, they could get a second chance to hold onto the veto-proof majority they lost in the House on Nov. 5.
§ 163-182.13. New elections.
(a) When State Board May Order New Election. – The State Board may order a new election, upon agreement of at least five of its members, in the case of any one or more of the following:
(1) Ineligible voters sufficient in number to change the outcome of the election were allowed to vote in the election, and it is not possible from examination of the official ballots to determine how those ineligible voters voted and to correct the totals.
(2) Eligible voters sufficient in number to change the outcome of the election were improperly prevented from voting.
(3) Other irregularities affected a sufficient number of votes to change the outcome of the election.
(4) Irregularities or improprieties occurred to such an extent that they taint the results of the entire election and cast doubt on its fairness.
Utterly specious
Republicans in the state have long loathed Gene Nichol, a UNC-Chapel Hill law professor and News & Observer columnist. NC Republicans are “trying to break down the fundaments,” he argued in his 2020 book, “Indecent Assembly.” Nichol adds, “That’s a bigger transgression than being wrong or being stupid. It’s a rejection of what it means to be a North Carolinian, what it means to be an American.”
Nichol writes in Tuesday’s News & Observer:
Jefferson Griffin thinks his fanciful, already judicially-rejected, election-busting ideological claim counts more than the personal franchise of tens of thousands of Tar-Heel citizens. He also likely has a quiet confidence that the most partisan state supreme court in the United States — which he is anxious to join — will ignore the law and sweep him in. Though it now appears Democrats are trying to head this off in federal court.
In embracing the North Carolina Republican “politics of façade,” Griffin shows he shouldn’t become a justice.
We’re awfully familiar with “façade” politics in Carolina. When Republican lawmakers used “surgical precision” to disenfranchise Black voters with a “monster” voter ID bill, federal courts found the proffered interest in “ballot integrity” was mere ruse, since no evidence of voter fraud could be produced.
Mere ruses and voter fraud smoke bombs are SOP for the GOP everywhere.
Utterly specious justification takes one a long way in North Carolina Republican politics. The first Republican president Abraham Lincoln advised: “Tell the truth and you won’t have so much to remember.” They must have dropped that from the platform.
Oh, decades ago.