Dick Cheney Is French

Hesiod does an admirable job of addressing the shame, impotence and anger many of us feel every time one of these faux outrage fests on the right result in a Democrat giving a teary eyed apology for something he didn’t actually do. This has become a political form of ritual humiliation and it is one of the main reasons why we are having so much trouble politically in this macho era.

Indeed, these ritual humiliations actually serve as proxies for a political war in which it is not only required that a Democrat grovel, but that he grovel insincerely — it’s important that he be seen by his own party to be rejecting reality and embracing the Republican (also insincere) alternate version of the truth. It is an exercise of purer power in which the cackling courtiers of the media also hold the Democrat’s metaphorical feet to the fire as a measure of their own fealty to the established order.

The ritual also requires that one Democrat, if not more, join the chorus of condemnation. He or she is publicly acclaimed for “courage” and “integrity” for agreeing that the truth is not the truth. But their real function is to serve as as living examples of disloyalty and weakness to both sides. They are humiliated as well, although they often don’t know it, and many times they continue to serve as universally loathed sycophants to be trotted out as “the good Democrat” whenever the Republicans wish to congratulate themselves on their broadmindedness.

Dick Durbin was reciting from an FBI file, not a story in Pravda. It was a US government document. The contents of that file have not been disputed. They are horrible. His crime was pointing out that if one were to read that file without knowing which country it described, one would assume it from was a repressive regime like Hitler’s Germany. This is indisputably true.

Mayor Daley played the executioner for the right wing humiliation shaman:

“It’s a disgrace and [Durbin] is a good friend of mine. But I think it’s a disgrace to say that any man or woman in the military acts like [Nazis] or that a report is like that,” Daley said. “You go and talk to some victims of the Holocaust, and they will tell you horror stories and there are not horror stories like that in Guantanamo Bay.”

It just doesn’t get any worse than that. The report was “like that.” People in the government are acting like that — many of them unwillingly, like the FBI agent who filed that report. Or like Sergeant Joseph Darby who reported the activity at Abu Ghraib (and was treated as a pariah in his home town for doing it.)

I think that it’s time, however, to find a better analogy for what is going on down in Gitmo and Iraq (and the rest of the ghost prison system.) “Gulag” is out. Comparisons to Nazi torture techniques are out. Dick Durbin died for our sins. But I think I have the answer.

We can’t point out the ways in which we are acting like the Nazis or the Russians so perhaps we should just point out all the ways in which we are acting like the … gasp … French. (And I suspect the French would be the first to agree.) From now on, when we or any of our elected representative draw parallels to repressive regimes and their interrogation and torture methods, I think we should specifically cite the French in Algeria.

I don’t know if you remember, but the Pentagon held screenings of “The Battle of Algiers” In August of 2003 (just as we were beginning to realize that the cakewalk had been left out in the rain) for officers and others to discuss the challenge of putting down an “insurgency” in an occupied Muslim country. The interesting thing is that the point of the screening was to show that the French failed strategically because of their tactics. Here’s the Pentagon flier about the movie:

How to win a battle against terrorism and lose the war of ideas. … Children shoot soldiers at point blank range. Women plant bombs in cafes. Soon the entire Arab population builds to a mad fervor. Sound familiar? The French have a plan. It succeeds tactically, but fails strategically. To understand why, come to a rare showing of this film.

(This wouldn’t be the first time that Bush administration officials used TV and movies to guide their tactical military decisions:

Following one White House meeting at which he’d asked for more time and more troops, Stormin’ Norman reports, Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Colin Powell called to warn the Desert Storm commander that he was being loudly compared, by a top administration official, to George McClellan. “My God,” the official supposedly complained. “He’s got all the force he needs. Why won’t he just attack?” Schwarzkopf notes that the unnamed official who’d made the comment “was a civilian who knew next to nothing about military affairs, but he’d been watching the Civil War documentary on public television and was now an expert.”

And then, twenty pages later, Schwarzkopf casually drops the information that he got an inspirational gift from Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney right before the air war finally got under way. Cheney was presenting a gift to a military man, and he chose something with an appropriate theme: “(A) complete set of videotapes of Ken Burns’s PBS series, The Civil War.”

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The Slate article to which I link above, discusses why “The Battle of Algiers” as a movie is not particularly illustrative of why the French ultimately lost. There were larger issues at play. But even this skeptical view of the film admits that the one thing it gets right is the fact that the French tortured insurgents in Algeria.

What does any of this have to do with Baghdad?

Terror. The Mideast learned the efficacy of insurgent terror from Algeria. The PLO, Hamas, and other groups are indebted to the Algerian strategy of so-called “people’s war.” Its lessons are now apparent in Iraq, too. Yet the film treats the Algiers terror campaign as a failure: Its later bombings and shootings are made to appear increasingly desperate and strategically pointless. “Wars aren’t won with terrorism,” says one key revolutionary. “Neither wars nor revolutions.” But that depends at least in part on how the other side reacts to terror, whether the other side is France in Algeria or the United States in Iraq. Wars may not be won with terror, but they can be lost by reacting ineffectively to it.

This is where The Battle of Algiers is potentially most valuable and most dangerous as a point of comparison for the U.S. military. While The Battle of Algiers has next to nothing to say about overall French strategy in Algeria, its most obvious military lesson—that torture is an efficient countermeasure to terror—is a dangerous one in this particular instance. Aside from its moral horror, torture may not even elicit accurate information, though the film seems to suggest it is foolproof.

The French military view of torture is articulated by Col. Mathieu in the course of a series of exchanges with French journalists. As reports of torture spread, the issue becomes a scandal in France. Mathieu, however, is unwavering in defense of the practice: To him it is a military necessity. Informed that Jean-Paul Sartre is condemning French tactics, for example, Mathieu responds with a question that would warm Ann Coulter’s heart: “Why are the liberals always on the other side?”

That sure sounds familiar. Colonel Mathieu in the movie is based upon a real French General named General Massu:

In 1971, General Massu wrote a book challenging”The Battle of Algiers,” and the film was banned in France for many years. In his book General Massu, who had been considered by soldiers the personification of military tradition, defended torture as “a cruel necessity.” He wrote: “I am not afraid of the word torture, but I think in the majority of cases, the French military men obliged to use it to vanquish terrorism were, fortunately, choir boys compared to the use to which it was put by the rebels. The latter’s extreme savagery led us to some ferocity, it is certain, but we remained within the law of eye for eye, tooth for tooth.”

In 2000, his former second in command, Gen. Paul Aussaresses, acknowledged, showing neither doubts nor remorse, that thousands of Algerians “were made to disappear,” that suicides were faked and that he had taken part himself in the execution of 25 men. General Aussaresses said “everybody” knew that such things had been authorized in Paris and he added that his only real regret was that some of those tortured died before they revealed anything useful.

As for General Massu, in 2001 he told interviewers from Le Monde, “Torture is not indispensable in time of war, we could have gotten along without it very well.” Asked whether he thought France should officially admit its policies of torture in Algeria and condemn them, he replied: “I think that would be a good thing. Morally torture is something ugly.”

It seems to me that the Pentagon planners who held that screening of “The Battle of Algiers” were, perhaps, trying to get that message across, at least if one were to take the movie at face value. Its central premise is that it was French tactics (like torture) that fueled the FLN rather than defeated it in the long run. But, as the Slate article points out, it also shows (incorrectly) that torture works in the short run — and that may have been the lesson that was taken to heart.

But regardless of whether the Pentagon actually studied and approved of French tactics in Algeria, or if anyone took those screenings seriously, it’s pretty clear that we’re on the same path. (And don’t be too sure they didn’t. Apparently, half of Washington was devouring “The Arab Mind” a completely discredited piece of sociological crap, so it wouldn’t be surprising. These Republican Intellecutals, after all, tend to believe what they want to believe.)

And, since Nazis, Soviets and Commies of all stripes are off limits when describing our failing and immoral tactics, I think we should just fall back on every Republican’s favorite whipping boy — the cheese eating surrender monkeys.

I can’t wait to hear Orrin Hatch stand up in the Senate, bursting with wounded national pride as he reflexively clutches his antique pearl choker, and dolefully expresses his outrage that the Democrats would ever say that Americans are like the French. I have no doubt that the high priests of right wing radio would start speaking in tongues and the FOX News analysts would go into full-on head spinning, green vomit, Linda Blair mode.

And maybe, just maybe, the absurdity of it all will finally hit home with the Democratic establishment, the press and the American people. After all, in the “who’s the traitor” game, the Democrats are supposed to love the French, who hate America just like they do only…now they hate the French? Whose side are we on again?

And if that doesn’t work, there’s always Canada.

Update: My ironic style is much too inscrutable this week — perhaps I shouldn’t have given up coffee.

Having the Dems denounce the US as being like France is a rhetorical device — more than half tongue in cheek. We could just as easily be tarred for comparing America to Heaven — or even itself (which is better than heaven, apparently.) Imagine if we said that our tactics were like the tactics used on slave plantations. The outcry would be the same. It’s not about the substance of the charge, it’s about, as one of my commenters says, speaking heresy. Which is what speaking the truth has become. Heresy.

I do not sincerely suggest that we take to the Senate floor and denounce America as being like the French. They could do it, and there are ample historical parallels, but it won’t do any good. We are not allowed to make any historical parallels with America today because we are the greatest country in the history of the world and we are incapable of doing the kinds of things that others have done. Period.

The only way we will ever stop this is to stop apologising for telling the truth and just tell it. It’s that simple.

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