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Month: February 2018

Does Trump really want to take a look in the rearview mirror? #hiMitch

Does Trump really want to take a look in the rearview mirror? #hiMitch

by digby


Greg Sargent examines the possible unanticipated fallout from Trump blaming of Barack Obama for his failure to stop the Russian interference:

The problem for Trump is that this line of inquiry also leads right back to the conduct of his fellow Republicans in the face of this Russian effort to undermine our democracy — conduct that was undertaken on his and the GOP’s behalf.[…]
It is true that the Obama administration failed in key ways to safeguard the 2016 election. But it has also been established by dogged reporting that leading congressional Republicans rebuffed top Obama officials who wanted them to show a united, bipartisan public front against that Russian sabotage. As The Post has reported, when those officials made that request of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), he refused, claiming (in The Post’s words) that “he would consider any effort by the White House to challenge the Russians publicly an act of partisan politics.”

Former CIA director John Brennan has gone on the record about these efforts. “In those briefings of Congress, some of the individuals expressed concern that this was motivated by partisan interests on the part of the [Obama] administration,” Brennan recently said in a “Frontline” documentary. “I took offense to that. I told them that this is an intelligence assessment; that this is an intelligence matter.”

In the light of Mueller’s new indictment, we should revisit this. Before, we didn’t really have any idea just how extensive a case for Russian meddling was presented to GOP lawmakers. But now we have a much clearer sense of just how elaborate the Russian scheme really was — and a much clearer sense of the degree to which it was aimed at tipping the election to Trump. Indeed, the Mueller indictment doesn’t touch the role of WikiLeaks and the cybertheft aimed at top Democrats, which suggests that it only scratches the surface of what is known.

All this makes it more likely that a credible, detailed case was presented to GOP lawmakers in those meetings — not just of the scope of the Russian plot but also that its aim was to help install Trump in the White House, as part of a “strategic effort to sow discord in the U.S. political system,” as the indictment puts it. And so, Trump’s new spin in the face of the indictment — that it reveals Obama’s failure to act in the face of the threat — also invites more scrutiny of their conduct in the face of that threat.

Writing at Crooked Media, Brian Beutler points to a deep tension in the media debate over the Mueller indictment. Observers are struggling to come to terms with how extensive the Russian sabotage effort really was, while simultaneously avoiding grappling with whether it might have helped tip an extremely close election to Trump — an uncomfortable topic, because that might place a question mark over Trump’s legitimacy.

And that raises another related uncomfortable question — a forward-looking one. Trump and his media allies have gone to enormous lengths to discredit and hamstring a full reckoning into what happened. Numerous Republicans in Congress have perverted and weaponized the oversight process to lend an assist to that effort. Because Trump refuses to take Russian sabotage of the 2016 presidential election seriously, Trump is conspicuously failing to organize a response to the threat of Russian meddling in upcoming elections, even though intelligence officials warn this effort is already upon us.

Republicans such as House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (Wis.) have greeted the Mueller indictment by claiming our election security must be taken seriously. But how many Republicans are openly calling out Trump’s inaction in that regard, which the indictment gives us ample grounds for taking even more seriously? As the Atlantic’s David Frum suggests, we need to discuss a “bigger and darker question,” namely whether Trump — and, crucially, congressional Republicans — may not particularly care about this threat if they stand to benefit from it.

Much of this is speculative, which provides a way for those who find these topics awkward to avoid reckoning directly with them. But the specific conduct of GOP lawmakers in declining to show a united front against Russian sabotage of our democracy is a topic that needn’t remain speculative. It can be fully fleshed out and established with empirical, journalistic inquiry. Trump has unwittingly invited this inquiry. We should take him up on it.

Again. They seem awfully confident that further Russian interference will accrue to their benefit. Why else would they be so blase about it?

Maybe it’s time to take a look at that DCCC hack again …

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Doubling down on the low point

Doubling down on the low point

by digby

It’s hard to believe but this is now the official White House line but it seems they are sticking by the horrifying presumption that if the FBI had not been wasting time investigating Trump’s collusion with Russia they would have stopped the Parkland shooter.
Essentially they are blaming the FBI for those deaths.

Oh, and you’ll note that she lied blatantly about what the administration has been doing to prevent future interference and tried to lay it off on Obama.

She is the worst press secretary in history and she gets more dishonest by the day.

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“A thorny choice”

“A thorny choice”

by digby

Remember when Mike Flynn was trying to sell nuclear reactors all over the middle east and forgot to mention it anyone? I’m sure you’ll be happy to learn thatthe Trump administration still likes the idea:

Next month, Saudi Arabia will announce the finalists of a sweepstakes. The prize? Multibillion-dollar contracts to build a pair of nuclear power reactors in desolate stretches of desert along the Persian Gulf.

For Saudi Arabia’s crown prince Mohammed bin Salman, the reactors are a matter of international prestige and power, a step toward matching the nuclear program of Shia rival Iran while quenching some of the kingdom’s domestic thirst for energy.

For the Trump administration, the contest poses a thorny choice between promoting U.S. companies and fighting nuclear proliferation. If the administration wants to boost the chances of a U.S. consortium led by Westinghouse, it might need to bend rules designed to limit nuclear proliferation in an unstable part of the world. That could heighten security risks and encourage other Middle Eastern countries to follow suit.

“If the Saudis were to get an agreement without restrictions, it would set a dangerous precedent in the region and [be] a significant break with American nuclear policy for the last 50 years,” said Jon Wolfsthal, a consultant on nuclear weapons who was a director for arms control and nonproliferation at the National Security Council under President Barack Obama.

The issue is a test of President Trump’s foreign policy and his self-professed bargaining prowess. Trump, his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and Energy Secretary Rick Perry have made pilgrimages to Riyadh to cozy up to the young crown prince and win big contracts for U.S. firms. Yet little has come to fruition.

Is that really a “thorny choice”? To me it seems like a very easy, simple obvious choice.

No, we should not heighten nuclear security risks in the most volatile region on the planet. Not. No a good idea.

Westinghouse will just have to make some more toasters. I’ll buy two. But no nuclear proliferation. Bad idea.

The Spartacus tactic

The Spartacus tactic

by digby

In light of Trump’s twitter meltdown over the week-end and the fact that he has now had to admit that Russian election interference did take place Walter Shapiro makes a strong case for reporters to band together and ask President Trump the same question over and over again: “Mr President, if your claim that there was no collusion with Russia is correct, then why do you refuse to condemn Vladimir Putin or enforce sanctions against Russia?”
He writes:

Like a small child being introduced to board games, Trump’s instinct is to knock over the table whenever he is challenged. These daily uproars and Twitter tantrums all but erase memories of the prior week’s outrages. The result: the news media has lost its ability to declare that one topic (Russian interference) is of far more lasting importance than Trump’s assaults on random targets like Oprah Winfrey.

Given the leak-proof nature of the Mueller investigation, there is as yet no way to know whether the special counsel has uncovered convincing evidence of collusion between the Trump campaign and Putin’s puppets. And it remains likely that most Trump insiders and the troll farmers in Moscow never expected the bilious billionaire to actually become president.

But the innocent explanations for Trump’s willful inaction in the face of Russia’s meddling in the 2016 election are beginning to seem implausible.

For a long while, I clung to the notion that Trump has a fan-boy crush on Putin, admiring the Russian leader’s bare-chested brazenness, his contempt for democracy and unashamed cronyism.

Another familiar argument is that Trump bristles at any challenge to the legitimacy of his election. That’s why losing the popular vote to Hillary Clinton prompted Trump to go off on half-baked conspiracy theories about five million illegal votes and to appoint his ill-fated commission on voter fraud.

When Steve Bannon was riding high, there was talk of his dream of an alliance with Russia against the Muslim world. In such a geopolitical fantasy, the religious links between American evangelicals and Russian Orthodoxy would erase cold war memories as Putin and Trump marched off into the sunset arm-in-arm.

But Bannon has been exiled to Elba. And the president’s unhinged tweets last weekend – excoriating everyone from his national security adviser HR McMaster to the FBI – suggest that there is far more at stake than Trump’s disappointment in his role model in the Kremlin.

Everyone has a private list of what Trump might have to hide. But what matters at the moment is the president’s abdication of any interest in safeguarding the 2018 elections from Moscow’s meddling.

He has no interest in doing so and is, in fact, tacitly inviting it to be done again.

And, lest we forget, so are the Republicans in congress. They refuse to do a real investigation or even make any kind of definitive statement about what happened and produce some plan to prevent it from happening again.

As I have been saying for the past year — they know it happened and they know it will happen again. You have to wonder why they seem so blithely confident that it will never hurt them.

What do they know that we don’t know?

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Trump’s week-end meltdown created a big question he can’t answer

Trump’s week-end meltdown created a big question he can’t answer

by digby

I wrote about his accidental admission for Salon this morning:

Last Friday, Justice Department Special Counsel Robert Mueller handed down grand jury indictments of 13 Russian nationals for interference in the 2016 presidential election. It detailed a campaign to use American social media to disparage Hillary Clinton and Republican candidates while boosting Donald Trump. These indictments will probably never result in a trial, since it is not likely the Russian government will feel moved to extradite these people to face the music for their alleged crimes. After all, on the night Trump won the election, senior Russian government officials were reportedly celebrating wildly.
Legal analysts have been poring over the indictment and have as many theories as there are Russian bots about what it says about the overall investigation. There is something for everyone in it, from the diehard Hillary fans who still feel raw over the Democratic primaries to the never-Trumpers on the right who know their instincts were correct. The evidence shows that a Russian troll farm used social media to spread propaganda and organize events, spending millions on the program and reaching millions of American voters.

The indictments were announced by Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, which was seen as a sign by many commentators that he wanted to take ownership of the case and ensure it was taken seriously. Rosenstein’s message was clear: Here is proof that Russians interfered in in the 2016 election, and did it to help Donald Trump win.

There can be no more debate about whether it happened. The only question now is what effect it had on the exceedingly close outcome. That’s a debate that will never be truly resolved, although there are experts who make a pretty convincing case that the effect of Russian meddling was substantial.

Rosenstein also went out of his way to state that these indictments do not assert that there was any collusion with the Trump campaign, which was immediately seen as vindication by his supporters. That’s premature, to say the least: The hacking of Democratic Party and Clinton campaign emails, and the curious timing of their release — as well as all those meetings with Russians — were not addressed. Nonetheless, the entire Trump machine immediately went into high gear, saying “I told you so” and declaring that the president and his campaign were off the hook.

Fox News ran the story as a Trump victory on a loop, and the president tweeted:

(Actually, Trump was known to be anticipating a run for president in 2014. It was even assumed to be a done deal by certain Russians he’d worked with on the 2013 Miss Universe pageant.)

Unfortunately, Trump’s celebration was dampened by the necessity of visiting victims of our latest bloody school slaughter, which meant that he couldn’t spend his holiday weekend on the golf course as he’d planned. So he stayed inside and watched TV with his sons Eric and Donald Jr. instead, and they got “riled up” by the media coverage, precipitating one of the most unhinged tweetstorms we’ve seen from the president yet.

Trump blamed the Democrats for gun violence because they hadn’t been able to pass gun safety legislation when they had a majority. (Mitch McConnell led the filibuster against the bipartisan bill after Newtown.) He claimed that the investigationswere playing into the hands of the Russians. He chastised Gen. H.R. McMaster, the national security adviser, for saying it was “incontrovertible” that the Russian government had interfered in the election without adding that there was no collusion with the Trump campaign. He capped this all off by saying that “the only Collusion was between Russia and Crooked H, the DNC and the Dems. Remember the Dirty Dossier, Uranium, Speeches, Emails and the Podesta Company!”

Trump called Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., of the House Intelligence Committee a “monster.” He attacked Oprah Winfrey. In the low point of a truly alarming public tantrum, the president blamed the FBI and the Mueller investigation for the Parkland shooting:

But amid all the raving and the ranting, there was a significant shift in Trump’s previous position. Now that there is real evidence of a Russian attempt to interfere in the 2016 election, he is claiming that he never called it a hoax in the first place:

There are, of course, dozens of examples of Trump insisting that the entire scandal was made up by Democrats as an excuse for their defeat. Here’s one from a Time magazine interview:

I don’t believe they interfered. That became a laughing point, not a talking point, a laughing point. Any time I do something, they say “oh, Russia interfered.”

More recently, after Trump met with Vladimir Putin he said afterwards that Putin told him he didn’t interfere in the election, and that Trump took him at his word.

Now Trump has been forced to admit that this happened and that the Russian government was apparently behind it. Whether he realizes it or not, this presents a whole new set of problems for him.

Obviously, Trump has known about this since long before the election, when he started getting security briefings. He has been president for more than a year and he has done nothing about this. He has not held one Cabinet-level meeting about this issue, and according to the directors of his intelligence agencies has not told them to ensure it never happens again. In fact, Trump has not only obstructed the investigation into what happened, he has tried to stop congressional committees from doing anything to prevent future attacks. And then there are his repeated attempts to lift the sanctions imposed by the Obama administration, and his refusal to implement the ones mandated by Congress as punishment for the interference.

None of that has anything to do with allegations of “collusion.” If he didn’t think the Russia interference itself was a hoax, then what is his excuse for inaction? Even if you want to grant him the widely-held assumption that he is just a pathological narcissist obsessed about the legitimacy of his victory, this is a dereliction of duty and he’s accidentally admitted to it.

But Trump being Trump, he’s found a way to pass the buck. You could almost see the light bulb going off in his head when he tweeted on President’s Day, “Obama was President up to, and beyond, the 2016 Election. So why didn’t he do something about Russian meddling?”

Our intelligence agencies all say this will happen again in 2018. Who will Trump blame then?

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Mapmaker, mapmaker, make me a map by @BloggersRUs

Mapmaker, mapmaker, make me a map
by Tom Sullivan

That “surgical precision” Republican legislators used to ensure congressional majorities is busting a lot of stitches. Pennsylvania’s Supreme Court Monday issued its redrawn map for the state’s gerrymandered districts to make them comply with its findings that the districts were “clearly, plainly, and palpably” out of compliance with the state Constitution.

The Washington Post reports:

The new map more closely reflects the partisan composition of the state, all but ensuring that Democrats will pick up several new U.S. House seats in November. It’s also more compact than Republicans’ original map, and it splits fewer counties and municipal areas — a key concern of the court as it sought to ensure voters’ ability to participate in “free and equal” elections.

The original Republican-drawn map had become the butt of national jokes due to its reliance on strange, sprawling shapes to create a balance of electoral power heavily tilted toward the GOP. While Democratic candidates for the state’s 18 U.S. House seats tend to capture about half of the statewide popular vote, that’s translated into just five of the 18 seats in each election held since the 2011 redistricting.

A 2017 Brennan Center analysis estimated that gerrymandering in Pennsylvania gave Republicans an additional 3 seats in Congress. The study found:

• Michigan, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania consistently have the most extreme levels of partisan bias. Collectively, the distortion in their maps has accounted for seven to ten extra Republican seats in each of the three elections since the 2011 redistricting, amounting to one-third to one-half of the total partisan bias across the states we analyzed.

• Florida, Ohio, Texas, and Virginia have less severe partisan bias but jointly account for most of the remaining net extra Republican seats in the examined states.

The new map splits just 13 counties. The 2011 map drawn by the Pennsylvania GOP split 28. The new map is slated to be in place for the May 15 primary.

Republican lawmakers are expected to challenge the map in federal court, arguing that only lawmakers and the governor may draw legislative maps. But that argument has already failed in the U.S. Supreme Court.

Senate President Pro Tempore Joseph Scarnati (R) and House Speaker Michael Turzai (R) issued a joint statement Monday,
the Huffington Post reports. Implementing new map they say would create a “constitutional crisis.”

[I’ll note again for the record that owing to similar rulings against North Carolina’s “near surgical” gerrymander, I voted in NC-10 in the 2016 primary and (without changing address) in NC-11 in the November election and survived the constitutional crisis. Granted, the NC primary was on March 15.]

Sam Levine writes at Huffington Post:

Mimi McKenzie, legal director at the Public Interest Law Center, which helped represent the 18 Democratic voters who filed the suit, said voters in other states should be encouraged to bring similar suits.

“This case was always about the right to have your vote count. The Court’s order and remedial plan has restored Pennsylvania voters’ right to choose their congressional representatives in free and equal elections in 2018. We hope this remedial plan will inspire other states to protect their own voters from partisan gerrymandering,” McKenzie said in a statement.

Meanwhile, we await the Supreme Court’s ruling in cases involving Wisconsin, Maryland and Texas on whether partisan gerrymanders are by definition unconstitutional.

* * * * * * * *

Request a copy of For The Win, my county-level election mechanics primer, at tom.bluecentury at gmail.

QOTD: An unnamed White House staffer

QOTD: An unnamed White House staffer

by digby

Press staffers cited the tragedy as a reason to cancel on-camera briefings for the remainder of the week, allowing them to avoid questions about the swirling controversies. The White House could hold its next briefing on Tuesday, a full week since press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders last faced reporters.

“For everyone, it was a distraction or a reprieve,” said one White House official, speaking anonymously to reflect internal conversations. “A lot of people here felt like it was a reprieve from seven or eight days of just getting pummeled.”

Trump’s gigantic conflict of interest nobody cares about

Trump’s gigantic conflict of interest nobody cares about

by digby

I don’t think I’ll ever get over the fact that Trump called his rival in 2016 “Crooked Hillary” because she supposedly took contributions to a charitable foundation from people who had issues before the Secretary of State (not true, of course) and he is getting away with stuff like this:

The largest American office of China’s largest bank sits on the 20th floor of Trump Tower, six levels below the desk where Donald Trump built an empire and wrested a presidency. It’s hard to get a glimpse inside. There do not appear to be any public photos of the office, the bank doesn’t welcome visitors, and a man guards the elevators downstairs–one of the perks of forking over an estimated $2 million a year for the space.

Trump Tower officially lists the tenant as the Industrial & Commercial Bank of China, but make no mistake who’s paying the rent: the Chinese government, which owns a majority of the company. And while the landlord is technically the Trump Organization, make no mistake who’s cashing those millions: the president of the United States, who has placed day-to-day management with his sons but retains 100% ownership. This lease expires in October 2019, according to a debt prospectus obtained by Forbes. So if you assume that the Trumps want to keep this lucrative tenant, then Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr. could well be negotiating right now over how many millions the Chinese government will pay the sitting president. Unless he has already taken care of it: In September 2015 then-candidate Trump boasted to Forbes that he had “just renewed” the lease, around the time he was gearing up his campaign.

It’s a conflict of interest unprecedented in American history
. But hardly unanticipated. The Founding Fathers specifically built this contingency into the Constitution through the Emoluments Clause, which prohibits U.S. officials from accepting gifts, titles or “emoluments” from foreign governments. In Federalist 75, Alexander Hamilton framed the threat thus: “An avaricious man might be tempted to betray the interests of the state to the acquisition of wealth.” Scholars have been debating what exactly constitutes an “emolument” since the moment Trump won the election, and nearly 200 congressional Democrats sued the president over possible violations in June. Much of the yammering in this area surrounds Trump’s hotels, especially the one in Washington, D.C., which has billed $268,000 in hotel rooms and catering to the Saudi government, and his international licensing deals, which allow foreign tycoons and hucksters, many with connections to their local governments, to pay the Trump Organization more than $5 million a year in order to profit from the president’s name in far-flung locales.

But that’s all small potatoes. The real money in the Trump empire comes from commercial tenants like the Chinese bank. Forbes estimates these tenants pay a collective $175 million a year or so to the president. And they do so anonymously. Federal laws, drafted without envisioning a real estate billionaire as president, require Trump to publicly disclose the shell companies he owns–but not the hundreds of businesses pouring money into them or even the extent of the money involved.

Maybe you think Trump has too much integrity to do anything as president that would benefit his tenants who pay him millions of dollars a year. That’s certainly what all the people in Bizarroworld think. But if you have any suspicion that Trump might not be a guy who understands or cares about the idea of using his office for profit, this would seem to be a problem.

Here’s my favorite thing about all this. Nothing will be done about Trump’s massive corruption. He will be allowed to use his office for his family’s enrichment throughout his term and that will be that. There will, however, be a major crackdown going forward. And Democrats will bear the brunt of it as Republicans energetically use the weapon they refused to wield against Trump against their rivals. And Democrats, perpetually afraid of being accused of hypocrisy, will join them

All Democrats had better be aware that even they are the cleanest candidates in history, it won’t be enough to stave off the onslaught.

Just a little warning of what’s to come.

In the meantime, contemplate just how malignant Trump’s open corruption really is. He brags about it. Nobody cares.

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What could go wrong?

What could go wrong?

by digby

The picture above is from a Serbian far right demonstration before the election. They seem nice.

I hate to be alarmist but …

Maybe this rise of the far right is a flash in the pan. I certainly hope so. But it is worth noting that these far right parties all over the world really love Donald Trump.

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Will he pardon the whole crew? Lots of people want him to.

Will he pardon the whole crew? Lots of people want him to.

by digby

Last night this lawyer mentioned that Mueller may not be putting all the evidence he has in the indictments, as is usual DOJ practice, for a very specific reason:

I made note of it in passing and then thought of it again when I read this:

“I think he should be pardoning anybody who’s been indicted and make it clear that anybody else who gets indicted would be pardoned immediately,” said Frederick Fleitz, a former CIA analyst and senior vice president at the conservative Center for Security Policy.

The pleas for mercy mainly extend to the four former Trump aides who have already been swept up in the Russia probe: former campaign manager Paul Manafort, former deputy campaign manager Rick Gates, former national security adviser Michael Flynn and former campaign foreign policy adviser George Papadopoulos. But they don’t stop there.

“It’s kind of cruel what’s going on right now and the president should put these defendants out of their misery,” said Larry Klayman, a conservative legal activist. “I think he should pardon everybody — and pardon himself.”

Klayman and Fleitz spoke before Mueller indicted thirteen Russian nationals on Friday for staging an elaborate 2016 election interference operation in the United States. Democratic leaders said the hard evidence of Russian meddling underscores the importance of letting Mueller’s investigation run its course.

But many conservatives note that the new indictment shows no evidence of collusion between Trump associates and the Kremlin. That reinforces their view that Mueller’s real target, if any, should be Russian President Vladimir Putin — not Trump’s circle. “[H]ow long will the leftist witch hunt against @RealDonaldTrump continue,” the president’s son, Donald Trump Jr., tweeted hours after the indictment’s release.

And while the latest indictment could make it harder than ever for Trump to fire Mueller, as he has sought to before, mass pardons would be another means of defying the special counsel.

A president has the Constitutional power to pardon any citizen convicted of a federal crime, ending any prison sentence and clearing his or her record with the stroke of a pen. Pardons face no judicial or Congressional review, and the president is not obliged to explain his decision. The act of a president pardoning himself, however, has never been tested.
[…]
So far, the talk of pardons has mostly centered around Flynn, whose clemency Trump did not rule out in a brief mid-December exchange with reporters. “I don’t want to talk about pardons with Michael Flynn yet. We’ll see what happens,” Trump said.

That “yet” was music to the ears of Flynn’s supporters and family members, many of whom have taken to social media to build support for pardoning the retired Army lieutenant general who pleaded guilty in December to Mueller’s team for lying to the FBI.

“About time you pardoned General Flynn who has taken the biggest fall for all of you given the illegitimacy of this confessed crime in the wake of all this corruption,” Flynn’s brother, Joseph Flynn, wrote in a mid-December tweet. “Pardon Flynn NOW!” he added in a later message.

During a video interview with the prominent alt-right activist Jack Posobiec at the Trump International Hotel in Washington D.C., last week, Flynn’s outspoken adult son, Michael Flynn Jr., encouraged viewers to promote online messages calling for his father’s exoneration and pardon.

“Just keep pushing out those hashtags, the ‘#ClearFlynnNow’ and the ‘#PardonFlynnNow,” Flynn Jr., said.

Tom Fitton, president of the conservative activist group Judicial Watch, said that allegations of anti-Trump bias among Justice Department and FBI officials circulated by conservatives would justify granting clemency to Trump associates like Flynn.

“The whole super structure of the Russia investigation is compromised,” Fitton said. “Those caught up in it deserve some protection. Rather than just let the virus run its course, it’d be appropriate for the president to consider pardons for people who are caught up in the prosecution.”
[…]
In an Oct. 29 Wall Street Journal op-ed column — published on the eve of Mueller’s first indictments against Manafort and Gates and the release of the Papadopoulos guilty plea — two conservative lawyers called on Trump to “end this madness by immediately issuing a blanket presidential pardon to anyone involved in supposed collusion with Russia or Russians during the 2016 presidential campaign… and to anyone for any offense that has been investigated by Mr. Mueller’s office.”

“The president himself would be covered by the blanket pardon we recommend,” wrote the lawyers, David B. Rivkin Jr. and Lee A. Casey, veterans of the White House counsel’s office and Justice Department in the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations. They argued that Russian election interference is a matter for a Congressional investigation, not a criminal one.

There are some Republicans who think it might be a bad idea. For instance, Mike Cernovich, chief troll, who wants him to wait to see if the Democrats take over congress:

Even some conservatives who support pardons in principle are wary of the severe political backlash they are certain to trigger. Mike Cernovich, a prominent alt-right activist, said he believes the moment for pardons has passed and that Trump needs to wait until after the November mid-term elections.

“If the Democrats take over, pardon everyone,” Cernovich said. “They’re coming for you anyway. They have their nuke with impeachment. You have your nuke with pardons. And then settle in for an interesting two years.”

I have no idea if Mueller is thinking about this. But it would not be surprising if he decided not to telegraph all the evidence he has knowing that this president, who has zero respect for the rule of law, has the power to pardon everyone involved. Now it’s also true that Trump and his cronies may still be liable for state crimes, but it would be better if he is not aware of what those might be in advance, don’t you think?

This is not an ordinary case and it’s a mistake to judge the legal strategy of the prosecutors as if it is.

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