Poisoning the epistemological well
by Tom Sullivan
The Enlightenment was so 18th century. In the 21st, the spirit that gave birth to the United States of America is under attack by people who value form over substance, for whom values themselves are simply patriotic affectations.
Paul Krugman comments on how Donald Trump’s thralls reject the very idea of objective fact and by extension, one might add, learning that teaches any. “’Fake news’ doesn’t mean actual false reporting; it means any report that hurts Trump, no matter how solidly verified,” Krugman writes. “Any assertion that helps Trump … is true precisely because it helps him.”
Krugman continues:
The attempt by Trump and his party to shut down the legally mandated Florida recount with claims, based on no evidence, of large-scale voting fraud fits right into this partisan epistemology. Do Republicans really believe that there were vast numbers of fraudulent or forged ballots? Even asking that question is a category error. They don’t “really believe” anything, except that they should get what they want. Any vote count that might favor a Democrat is bad for them; therefore it’s fraudulent, no evidence needed.
The same worldview explains Republicans’ addiction to conspiracy theories. After all, if people keep insisting on the truth of something that hurts their party, it can’t be out of respect for the facts — because in their world, there are no neutral facts.
Stephen Colbert the character defined “truthiness” in 2005. Using truthiness to form national policy long predates the Trump presidency.
Amanda Marcote offers some advice for children of the Enlightenment “still romantically attached to the idea of reasoned debate.” Friends who ask how they can reason with right-wingers are compounding the category error Krugman defines in assuming “that for every problem, there must be a solution — an assumption that the evidence simply doesn’t support.”
Marcotte’s approach is not to waste one’s time, explaining, “you can’t reason someone out of a belief they didn’t reason themselves into.” Arguing facts is pointless with people who are lying to themselves at you. She suggests:
Instead, try to raise the social costs of lying for the purpose of trolling — as high as possible. For randos on social media, shame is admittedly unlikely. Blocking them and depriving them of the interaction they crave is the only real method. But on those occasions when you’re engaged with a coworker, friend or family member, that’s a time that social shaming — which liberals are often reluctant to use, but which can be really effective — is helpful.
Don’t debate facts. Focus instead on impacts. Instead of getting into an argument about whether climate change is real, point out that lying in order to leave the world a worse place for one’s children is gross behavior. Don’t debate whether #MeToo has gone “too far” or whether Christine Blasey Ford is lying. Instead, shame the person saying these things by bluntly stating your support for victims and opposition to sexual abuse. I find that making it personal can often be really helpful. If a conservative in my life praises Trump for trolling the press with his “enemy of the people” language, I might ask that person if they really think that I am a force for evil and that I should be censored, or perhaps imprisoned.
Be calm and dispassionate, however, and state things matter-of-factly. Any sign of emotion will be taken as evidence of “triggering” and is likely encourage to encourage still more trolling behavior. But I’ve personally had a lot of luck with calm but adamant shaming, perhaps because it makes behavior the focal point, rather than some pointless debate over what the facts are.
In essence, don’t give antagonists the satisfaction of you wasting your breath arguing a point when theirs is to poison the epistemological well. That is, “avoid speaking to liars and instead speak about them.” Good advice.