The New York Times takes a deep look at America’s failure to control the pandemic and concludes that it comes down to two things: Trump and radical individualism:
When it comes to the virus, the United States has come to resemble not the wealthy and powerful countries to which it is often compared but instead to far poorer countries, like Brazil, Peru and South Africa, or those with large migrant populations, like Bahrain and Oman.
As in several of those other countries, the toll of the virus in the United States has fallen disproportionately on poorer people and groups that have long suffered discrimination. Black and Latino residents of the United States have contracted the virus at roughly three times as high of a rate as white residents.
How did this happen? The New York Times set out to reconstruct the unique failure of the United States, through numerous interviews with scientists and public health experts around the world. The reporting points to two central themes.
First, the United States faced longstanding challenges in confronting a major pandemic. It is a large country at the nexus of the global economy, with a tradition of prioritizing individualism over government restrictions. That tradition is one reason the United States suffers from an unequal health care system that has long produced worse medical outcomes — including higher infant mortality and diabetes rates and lower life expectancy — than in most other rich countries.
“As an American, I think there is a lot of good to be said about our libertarian tradition,” Dr. Jared Baeten, an epidemiologist and vice dean at the University of Washington School of Public Health, said. “But this is the consequence — we don’t succeed as well as a collective.”
The second major theme is one that public health experts often find uncomfortable to discuss because many try to steer clear of partisan politics. But many agree that the poor results in the United States stem in substantial measure from the performance of the Trump administration.
In no other high-income country — and in only a few countries, period — have political leaders departed from expert advice as frequently and significantly as the Trump administration. President Trump has said the virus was not serious; predicted it would disappear; spent weeks questioning the need for masks; encouraged states to reopen even with large and growing caseloads; and promoted medical disinformation.
In recent days, Mr. Trump has continued the theme, offering a torrent of misleading statistics in his public appearances that make the situation sound less dire than it is.
Some Republican governors have followed his lead and also played down the virus, while others have largely followed the science. Democratic governors have more reliably heeded scientific advice, but their performance in containing the virus has been uneven.
“In many of the countries that have been very successful they had a much crisper strategic direction and really had a vision,” said Caitlin Rivers, an epidemiologist at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security, who wrote a guide to reopening safely for the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative research group. “I’m not sure we ever really had a plan or a strategy — or at least it wasn’t public.”
Together, the national skepticism toward collective action and the Trump administration’s scattered response to the virus have contributed to several specific failures and missed opportunities, Times reporting shows:
- a lack of effective travel restrictions;
- repeated breakdowns in testing;
- confusing advice about masks;
- a misunderstanding of the relationship between the virus and the economy;
- and inconsistent messages from public officials.
Already, the American death toll is of a different order of magnitude than in most other countries. With only 4 percent of the world’s population, the United States has accounted for 22 percent of coronavirus deaths. Canada, a rich country that neighbors the United States, has a per capita death rate about half as large. And these gaps may worsen in coming weeks, given the lag between new cases and deaths.
For many Americans who survive the virus or do not contract it, the future will bring other problems. Many schools will struggle to open. And the normal activities of life — family visits, social gatherings, restaurant meals, sporting events — may be more difficult in the United States than in any other affluent country.
After 9/11, the American people adjusted to the restrictions we were forced to endure with stoicism, even those who were opposed on principle to many of the draconian steps that were taken by the government. There were op-eds and lawsuits and plenty of political opposition but there wasn’t a wholesale rebellion by half the people. I’m not saying that was right or wrong but I use it to demonstrate that the idea that “radical individualism” is the reason people are spreading COVID-19 all over the country because “freedom” isn’t really the case.
This rejection of the mitigation strategies should also fall under the category of Trump. It’s mostly his people who are refusing to do it and if he had told them to follow the guidelines, they would have. It is anything but radical individualism. It’s lock-step cult behavior.
As for the young people who insist on partying, it’s got nothing to do with individualism with them either. It’s the message that it’s only old and sick people who get hit and their sense of immortality. I’m honestly not sure what to do about that. It’s true that the odd are they won’t get very ill or die from this disease but it’s also true that they’re spreading it around to people who will. I don’t know how you can make people care about their fellow humans. These people obviously don’t.