The statehouses have never been more important
by David Atkins
Yesterday at Washington Monthly I noted the increased importance of the “laboratories of democracy” in an era when federal action to solve problems is becoming nearly impossible:
The 113th Congress seems set to pass fewer laws than any in recent history, almost entirely due to total obstruction by the Republican House. That, of course, reduces the opportunities to solve problems at the federal level. But the gridlock also reduces the ability of political parties to provide contrasts to their voters, particularly when the journalistic establishment tends to gloss over the reasons for Congressional dysfunction and the issues involved, preferring to simply throw a pox on both houses for failing to overcome “partisan disagreement.”
That dynamic means that it has never been more important for both Republicans and Democrats to enact desired policy changes at a state-by-state level. Politically, that also allows the parties point to the states they control as beacons of success, assuming their policies demonstrate positive outcomes.
It doesn’t hurt, of course, that control of state legislatures has dramatic impact on Congress in redistricting battles.
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In California the Democratic Party took control of the statehouse with 2/3 supermajorities in the Assembly and Senate in 2012, as well as every state constitutional office. In one fell swoop, years of poor economic and budget news turned almost instantly rosy as Democrats came together to pass competent budgets and fund needed priorities. By discarding Republican obstruction Democrats were able to turn California from a national laughingstock into a nearly overnight success story.
Meanwhile, Colorado’s success in marijuana legalization is serving as a model for states across the nation to question their own laws on the topic.
As long as current Congressional district boundaries remain in place, the House is going to be a difficult place to get anything done. The Senate may well bounce back and forth between the 2014 and 2016 elections, possibly even 2018 as well. Legislative gridlock seems a near certainty until at least 2020 if not 2022 when the new census establishes new partisan district lines.
Democrats and their donors would be well advised to shift a substantial amount of their focus to winning statehouse battles, helping people in the states where it’s possible to help, and proving the worth of progressive policies to serve as an example for voters in the battlegrounds.
This won’t always be the case. Next decade the Congress will be the pivotal battleground. But for the next six to eight years at least, control of legislatures is equally important if not more so.
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