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A matter of timing

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When Republican Sen. Mike Lee of Utah pitched a hissy fit at the end of Trump impeachment trial proceedings Wednesday night, he drew attention to a small detail from the Jan. 6 insurrection that might have gone less noticed.

There was chaos in the chamber when ahead of adjournment last night a “visibly outraged” Lee objected to testimony that cited him as a source for a conversation between Trump and Sen. Tommy Tuberville of Alabama:

In the final hour of arguments on Wednesday, Representative David Cicilline, Democrat of Rhode Island and one of the impeachment managers, spoke of Mr. Trump mistakenly calling Senator Mike Lee, Republican of Utah, in an effort to reach Senator Tommy Tuberville, Republican of Alabama. In describing the call, which was detailed in news reports, Mr. Cicilline asserted that Mr. Lee had stood by as Mr. Trump asked Mr. Tuberville to make additional objections to the certification of President Biden’s electoral votes.

“This is not what happened,” Lee wrote in large letters on a notepad. He demanded the anecdote be struck from the record, perhaps referring to testimony identifying him as the source for the actual content of the call. Lee did not say.

After some intense huddles on the floor, Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, the leading impeachment manager, agreed to withdraw the statement. He reserved the option to raise the issue again later.

Tuberville told reporters afterwards that he wished Cicilline’s statement “had been correct” (Politico):

“I don’t know if you’ve ever talked to President Trump. You don’t get many words in, but, he didn’t get a chance to say a whole lot because I said ‘Mr. President, they just took the vice president out, I’ve got to go,’” Tuberville said in an interview.

Lee had traded some text messages about the wrong number with Bryan Schott of the Salt Lake Tribune the evening of the insurrection. “Moments after the proceedings in the Senate were halted by the Capitol Police,” Lee said Trump had called him by mistake while trying to contact Tuberville. Senators had already been relocated to a temporary holding room. Lee walked over and handed his phone to Tuberville, Schott reported in his newsletter.

The call between Trump and Tuberville lasted “five or ten minutes,” according to Lee.

So it is the timing of the five-or-ten-minute Tuberville call and Trump’s tweet lashing out at Pence that S.V. Date of Huffington Post found interesting late Wednesday (emphasis mine):

According to video footage from that day, Pence was removed from the Senate at 2:14 p.m. after rioters had broken into the Capitol, meaning that when Trump lashed out at Pence at 2:24 p.m., he already knew Pence’s life was in danger.

“Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution,” Trump wrote in his tweet.

[…]

The exact time Pence was taken from the Senate following the breach of the Capitol by the mob Trump had incited to try to overturn the presidential election was known the day of the attack, as was the time of Trump’s tweet. What was not known until Tuberville’s statement was whether Trump was aware of the danger Pence was in at the time he posted his tweet.

Trump spokesperson Jason Miller did not respond to HuffPost queries late Wednesday.

Saying nothing more is probably Trump’s best move at this point. Raskin and his impeachment team are sure to come back to build a case around the Tuberville call more explicitly.

The timing is tight. Rioters breached the Capitol around 2:11 p.m. ET. Security removed Pence from the Senate chamber at 2:14 p.m. Trump called Lee “moments” later. The call lasted “five or ten minutes.” Trump tweeted against Pence at 2:24 p.m.

It is possible that even knowing Pence’s life was in danger, Trump amped up pressure on Pence, the mob’s outrage, and the danger to members of Congress, their staffs, and to anyone working inside the Capitol. Anyone who watched Trump over the prior four years knows it is not possible that Trump cared.

As people died and over a hundred officers were injured, some seriously, Trump sat for hours watching the riot unfold on television and did nothing to stop it.

And then what did he do?

Over the course of this impeachment trial we’re going to hear a lot of details about what happened on January 6th, much of the evidence being video and public testimony we’ve already seen. But one of the important aspects of this narrative is what Trump did while the mob was sacking the Capitol.

This Washington Post timeline lays that out and I think it’s worth reading. I do not know how much of this the House Managers will be able to get into the record:

President Donald Trump was “horrified” when violence broke out at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, as a joint session of Congress convened to confirm that he lost the election, according to his defense attorneys.

Trump tweeted calls for peace “upon hearing of the reports of violence” and took “immediate steps” to mobilize resources to counter the rioters storming the building, his lawyers argued in a brief filed Monday in advance ofTrump’s impeachment trial in the Senate. It is “absolutely not true,” they wrote, that Trump failed to act swiftly to quell the riot.

But that revisionist history conflicts with the timeline of events on the day of the Capitol riot, as well as accounts of multiple people in contact with the president that day, who have said Trump was initially pleased to see a halt in the counting of the electoral college votes. Some former White House officials have acknowledged that he only belatedly and reluctantly issued calls for peace, after first ignoring public and private entreaties to do so.

The assertion that Trump acted swiftly and out of genuine horror as his supporters ransacked the Capitol is largely a side note to his lawyers’ defense. In their 78-page brief, they focused on two legal arguments: that the Constitution does not allow for the conviction of an impeached former officeholder and that Trump’s speech to the crowd on Jan. 6 was political rhetoric protected by the First Amendment.

In a test vote earlier this month, the majority of Republican senators indicated that they will be receptive to a defense based on the question of whether the proceedings are constitutional.

But the decision by Trump’s attorneys to also assert a claim about Trump’s reaction that day could give the House impeachment managers an opening as they prosecute their case. Among the possible witnesses who could rebut the contention that Trump moved quickly to rein his supporters are Republican senators who will now sit as jurors in the impeachment trial — some of whom have spoken publicly about their failed attempts to get the president to act expeditiously when his supporters invaded the Capitol.

“It took him awhile to appreciate the gravity of the situation,” Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.), one of Trump’s most loyal supporters, said in an interview with The Washington Post two days after the riot. “The president saw these people as allies in his journey and sympathetic to the idea that the election was stolen.”

That same day, Sen. Ben Sasse (R-Neb.) told conservative radio broadcaster Hugh Hewitt that it was “not an open question” as to whether Trump had been “derelict in his duty,” saying there had been a delay in the deployment of the National Guard to help the Capitol Police repel rioters.

“As this was unfolding on television, Donald Trump was walking around the White House confused about why other people on his team weren’t as excited as he was as you had rioters pushing against Capitol Police trying to get into the building,” he said,indicating that he had learned of Trump’s reaction from “senior White House officials.”

Sasse declined to comment on Monday, saying he was a juror in the trial.Graham did not respond to requests for comment.

A spokesman for Trump’s defense team did not respond to requests for comment.

For many White House aides, lawmakers and others who had been ensconced in the Capitol, Trump’s actions after the riots began were particularly offensive — even more objectionable, some said, than what he did to incite the crowd.

“President Trump did not take swift action to stop the violence,” the nine House impeachment managers wrote in their opening brief submitted last week, adding: “This dereliction of President Trump’s responsibility for the events of January 6 is unmistakable.”

Weeks before the joint session of Congress, Trump had summoned the crowd to Washington for a protest to coincide with counting of the electoral college votes. In the days leading up to the rally on the Ellipse, Trump was consumed with the event, former White House officials said, as he met with aides to plan thespeakers, music and even staging.AD

On Jan. 6, Trump spent part of his morning making a final pitch to Vice President Mike Pence to derail the proceedings. The president tried to convince Pence to use his ceremonial role presiding over the joint session of Congress to reject slates of electoral college votes that confirmed Joe Biden’s victory.

“All Mike Pence has to do is send them back to the States, AND WE WIN. Do it Mike, this is a time for extreme courage!” Trump tweeted at 8:17 a.m.

Trump also kept up the pressure privately, calling Pence before he left his home at the Naval Observatory for the Capitol and making one last effort to push him to try to overturn or delay the election results, former White House officials said.

Instead, Pence informed the president on the call that he would soon be issuing a public statement arguing the Constitution did not allow him to interfere with the counting of the vote.

Trump’s mood immediately soured, aides said.

As the thousands of people gathered on the Ellipse, Trump monitored warm-up speeches by attorneys Rudolph W. Giuliani and John Eastman from the White House. Around midday, he left the White House and made his way to his a tent set up for VIPs near the stage. In videos posted on social media by his son Donald Trump Jr., the president can be seen intently watching the gathering crowd, surrounded by family members and aides.

A permit filed with the National Park Service for the event explicitly said there were no plans for an “organized march” from the Ellipse after the rally concluded.

But some publicity for events that day, including ads posted to a website called www.marchtosaveamerica.com, urged participants to “take a stand with President Trump” at the Ellipse and then “march to the US Capitol building to protest the certification of the Electoral College.”

And Trump was taken with the idea that he might lead the crowd in a dramatic walk along Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol and raised it with aides days before the event, according to an official with knowledge of the discussions, who was among more than 15 advisers, members of Congress, GOP officials and Trump confidants who described his actions to The Post last month, many speaking on the condition of anonymity to share candid details.

Even after the Secret Service and advisers around Trump nixed the idea for security reasons, according to former officials, Trump still included several references to such a march in his speech.

“After this, we’re going to walk down and I’ll be there with you,” Trump said early in his speech. Later, he added, “I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.” He concluded: “So let’s walk down Pennsylvania Avenue!”

Instead, Trump returned to the White House.

Even before Trump’s speech was over, thousands of his supporters turned and began marching toward the Capitol.

There was already a large crowd gathered around the complex. By the time Trump had finished his 70-minute speech, Pence had gaveled open the joint session inside the Capitol. Outside, crowds were surging toward the building and already overwhelming metal barricades set up outside.AD

Soon, cable news reports showed rioters clashing with police outside the building.

By 1:49 p.m. — nearly an hour after the Capitol Police chief had urgently requested backup from D.C. police — Trump remained focused on his recently concluded speech.

He tweeted a video of his own remarks, adding the caption, “Our country has had enough, we will not take it anymore, and that’s what this is all about.”

At 2:11 p.m., the rioters broke into the building, smashing a window with a piece of lumber, video footage shows.

Minutes later, Pence was hustled from the Senate Chamber. First the Senate, and then the House, went into recess and lawmakers were hastily evacuated.

A spokesman for Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) has said that around this time Lee received a call on his cellphone from Trump.

The president was not calling to inquire about the well-being of the senators who had been rushed from the chamber. Rather, he thought he had the phone number for Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), who had said he would object to the electoral votes of some states. Trump was hoping to persuade Tuberville to expand his challenges and slow the process further.

Lee’s spokesman did not respond to requests for comment this week.

Not long afterward, at 2:24 p.m., Trump tweeted: “Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution … USA demands the truth.”

Inside the Capitol, the pro-Trump mob had just come within seconds of encountering Pence, who had been rushed into a hideaway by his Secret Service detail.

Speaking Sunday on Fox News, Rep. Liz Cheney (R-Wyo.) questioned whether the tweet, sent as the invading mob was marauding through the Capitol, was “a premeditated effort to provoke violence.”

At the White House, Trump’s aides began fielding panicked calls from members of Congress, including close allies who had long been loyal to the president. They had promised they would vote against the counting of the electoral college votes — but begged him now to tell the crowd to stand down.

Graham reached out to Trump’s daughter Ivanka, who had gone to the Oval Office as the riot began, to implore her for help, he said in the interview last month.

“They were all trying to get him to speak out, to tell everyone to leave,” Graham said of the aides huddled with Trump that day. The senator said he did not know why it took so long to get the president to respond.

Another close adviser said that rather than appearing appalled, Trump was voraciously consuming the events on television, enjoying the spectacle and encouraged to see his supporters fighting for him.

At some point, White HouseChief of Staff Mark Meadows was persuaded by staff to attempt to intervene with the president.

Finally, at 2:38 p.m. — more than 90 minutes after the siege had begun — Trump tweeted, “Please support our Capitol Police and Law Enforcement. They are truly on the side of our Country. Stay peaceful!”

One person familiar with discussions about what the president should tweet said Trump had resisted adding the final phrase: “Stay peaceful.”

A little after 3 p.m., acting defense secretary Christopher Miller authorized full activation of all 1,100 members of the D.C. National Guard after urgent requests from the Capitol Police.

While Trump’s defense attorneys claim he and the White House “took immediate steps to coordinate with authorities,” the president played no known role in organizing reinforcements that day.

Among those who reached out to Trump that afternoon was House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), a close Trump ally, who later told allies he found Trump watching events on television and distracted.

Concerned his request for the president to intervene had not gotten through, McCarthy followed up with Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and asked him to get Trump to urge the rioters to go home.

At 3:13 p.m., a little more than an half-hour after his first tweet, Trump tweeted again. This time he wrote more forcefully: “I am asking for everyone at the U.S. Capitol to remain peaceful. No violence! Remember, WE are the Party of Law & Order – respect the Law and our great men and women in Blue. Thank you!”

Another hour passed. During this time, as rioters surged through the building and reveled on the Senate floor, Trump made no effort to check on the well-being of his vice president or his team, who were sheltering in place in the Capitol complex. Aides said that lack of outreach angered Pence more than anything else Trump did before or after the riot. Five days passed before the two men spoke again.

Trump also did not make contact with Sen. Mitch McConnell (R.-Ky,), then the Senate majority leader, who was in constant communication with Pence, Senate Democratic Leader Charles E. Schumer (N.Y.) and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), aides said, along with military and law enforcement officials. Trump did not participate in any of the group calls.

Shortly before 4 p.m., former New Jersey governor Chris Christie went on ABC News and said that he had been trying without success to reach Trump for 25 minutes.

“The president caused this protest to occur; he’s the only one who can make it stop,” Christie, a close Trump confidant, said he had hoped to tell the president.

At 4:17 p.m., more than an hour after his last public comment and as police continued to wage hand-to-hand combat with rioters trying to press into the building, Trump posted a video to Twitter in which he told crowd directly, “You have to go home.”

But he also expressed sympathy for them and their cause. Trump insisted the election had been fraudulent, adding, “There’s never been a time like this when such a thing happened when they could take it away from all of us.”

“Go home. We love you. You’re very special,” he said.

Trump aides later said that the video was considered the best of three separate takes he filmed that day.

As a curfew called by D.C. Mayor Muriel E. Bowser (D) fell over the city at 6 p.m., Trump tweeted again. This time, he went even further in expressing sympathy for his supporters and their actions.

“These are the things and events that happen when a sacred landslide election victory is so ­unceremoniously & viciously stripped away from great patriots who have been badly & unfairly treated for so long,” he wrote. “Go home with love & in peace. Remember this day forever!”

In The Post interview two days after the riot, Graham called the tweet “very unhelpful” and expressed confusion about why Trump had not acted more forcefully during the riot. “I’d like to know more,” he said then.

In the immediate wake of the riot, Meadows was already telling people that Trump had wanted the violence to end immediately,according to an administration official at the time.

The official said it was “not believable” then — or now, when presented by Trump’s lawyers. A spokesman for Meadows did not respond to a request for comment.

The House impeachment managers are expected to argue that Trump could have restrained the mob if he had acted more swiftly and forcefully. Comments by some of those who allegedly invaded the Capitol that day support that idea.

In a video posted to the social media site Parler on the afternoon of Jan. 6, Jacob Chansley — who was photographed in the well of the Senate chamber, wearing a headdress of animal fur and horns — told an unnamed person after he exited the building that he had done so because Trump had tweeted that the rioters should leave.

“Donald Trump asked everybody to go home,” Chanlsey said. “He just put out a tweet. It’s a minute long. He asked everybody to go home.”

That final tweet, late in the day, in which he wrote, “Remember this day forever!” is the put away shot in my opinion. He was celebrating what he did.

As I said, I don’t know how much of this they can put in evidence. A lot of it come from anonymous sources in news reports. But Trump’s tweets and the videos speak for themselves.

Who’s the aggressor in the Uncivil war?

Demonstrators attempt to breach the U.S. Capitol building during a protest in Washington, D.C., U.S., on Wednesday, Jan. 6, 2021. The U.S. Capitol was placed under lockdown and Vice President Mike Pence left the floor of Congress as hundreds of protesters swarmed past barricades surrounding the building where lawmakers were debating Joe Biden’s victory in the Electoral College. Photographer: Victor J. Blue/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Perry Bacon at 538 answers that question. You’ll never guess who it is:

In his inaugural address, President Biden described America as in the midst of an “uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural versus urban, conservative versus liberal.” His invocation of a civil war and the American Civil War was provocative. It was also accurate. There is no formal definition of an uncivil war, but America is increasingly split between members of two political parties that hate each other.

In the same speech, Biden warned of the dangers of “a rise in political extremism, white supremacy, domestic terrorism.” This too was accurate. Biden was delivering his address exactly two weeks after a group of supporters of then-President Trump, riled up by his false claims about voter fraud, stormed the Capitol to try to overturn the results of a free and fair election, an act of political extremism and domestic terrorism carried out by at least some people who believe in white supremacy.

Biden didn’t explicitly say that the extremism, domestic terrorism and white supremacy is largely coming from one side of the uncivil war. But that’s the reality. In America’s uncivil war, both sides may hate the other, but one side — conservatives and Republicans — is more hostile and aggressive, increasingly willing to engage in anti-democratic and even violent attacks on their perceived enemies.

The Jan. 6 insurrection and the run-up to it is perhaps the clearest illustration that Republicans are being more hostile and anti-democratic than Democrats in this uncivil war. Biden pledged to concede defeat if he lost the presidential election fair and square, while Trump never made such a pledge; many elected officials in the GOP joined Trump’s efforts to overturn the election results; and finally, Trump supporters arrived at the Capitol to claim victory by force. But there are numerous other examples of conservatives and Republicans going overboard in their attempts to dominate liberals and Democrats:

<blockquote>Republican officials at the state level have engaged in a sustained campaign to make it harder for liberal-leaning constituenciesparticularly Black people, to vote.</blockquote>

<blockquote>GOP officials have used aggressive gerrymandering and attempted to manipulate the census-taking process to ensure GOP control of state legislatures and the U.S. House of Representatives, even if Democrats are winning more votes.</blockquote>

<blockquote>Trump supporters and conservatives have threatened not only to physically destroy institutions they view as hostile to conservative causes, such as CNN, but to kill or injure prominent Democratic politicians, such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-CortezHouse Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer. And, in attempts to intimidate liberal protesters, these conservatives sometimes show up at Black Lives Matter demonstrations wearing military gear and brandishing extensive weaponry.</blockquote>

<blockquote>Trumpconservative lawyers and most Republican members of Congress tried to disqualify the election results in some swing states, which would have in effect invalidated the votes of millions of Americans, particularly Black people and residents of large urban areas. And, as mentioned earlier, that effort culminated in an attack on the U.S. Capitol by Trump supporters.</blockquote>

<blockquote>State-level Republican officials have tried to criminalize the types of protests organized by liberals who support Black Lives Matter and oppose the expansion of oil and gas pipelines. In fact, conservative lawmakers in Missouri and other states are considering provisions that would limit legal liability for people who drive into protesters blocking traffic.</blockquote>

<blockquote>State-level GOP officials have limited cities and other localities from enacting policies meant to reduce the spread of COVID-19, essentially preventing elected officials in cities (usually Democrats) from taking measures to save the lives of their constituents.</blockquote>

<blockquote>GOP officials at the state level are engaged in a broader effort to preempt laws passed in Democratic cities, meaning that mostly white GOP state legislators elected in conservative, rural areas are often determining education, economic and other policies for heavily Democratic cities with large numbers of people of color.</blockquote>

We could also compile a long list of anti-democratic and hostile actions taken by Trump himself against Democrats. At the top of that list would be his attempt to coerce the Ukrainian government into announcing it would investigate the Biden family — essentially a scheme for Trump to use the power of his office to tilt the upcoming presidential election in his favor.

It’s important to be specific here, however. Many of the most aggressive actions against liberals have been taken not by Republican voters but largely by Republican officials, particularly at the state level.

“Many Republicans do not accept Democratic governance as a legitimate outcome” of elections, said Thomas Zimmer, a history professor at Georgetown University who is writing a book about political divides in America. “America is nearing a crisis of democratic legitimacy because one side is trying to erect one-party minority rule.”

Gretchen Helmke, a political scientist at the University of Rochester who studies the state of democratic governments around the world, said, “There is a marked asymmetry between the two parties,” with Republicans more engaged in “playing constitutional hardball and taking actions that are still within the letter of the law but [that] may violate the spirit of the law or common-sense ideas about fairness and political equality.”

Those types of actions are much harder to find on the Democratic side. There is no campaign by Democratic elected officials to disenfranchise white evangelical Christians, a constituency that overwhelmingly backs GOP candidates, just as Black voters overwhelmingly back Democratic candidates. There was no widespread, systematic attempt by Democratic officials four years ago to disqualify the votes that elected Trump or to spur Democratic voters to attack the Capitol to prevent the certification of his presidency. While the left-wing antifa movement has violent tendencies, it isn’t an organized group — nor is it aligned with Biden or Democrats. And at least right now, national security experts describe right-wing violence as a much bigger danger in America than any violent behavior from the left. In an October 2020 report, the Department of Homeland Security called violent white supremacists the “most persistent and lethal threat in the Homeland.”

And, of course, Democrats did not embrace an anti-democratic figure like Trump as their standard-bearer. There are no Democratic politicians in Congress implying that conservative politicians are such dangers to the country that they should be killed.

He follows up with these quotes from various academics, all of which are somewheat alarming:

“The GOP is a counter-majoritarian party now, every week it becomes less like a ‘normal’ party,” said Jay Rosen, a journalism professor at New York University who has written extensively about the radicalization of the Republican Party. “The GOP has to make it harder to vote and harder to understand what the party is all about. Those are two parts of the same project. And it can’t treat its white supremacist and violent wings as extremists who should be isolated because it needs them. They provide motor and momentum.”

“The GOP has radicalized (and is still radicalizing) on its willingness to break democratic norms and subvert or eliminate political institutions. Don’t expect restraint where you’ve seen it in the past,” said Charlotte Hill, a Ph.D. candidate at the Goldman School of Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, who conducts research on election and voting laws.

Because of this deep conservative antipathy for the liberal version of America, Joanne Freeman, a professor of history and American studies at Yale University, has compared the state of America today to the 1850s, right before the U.S. Civil War.

“Mass violence in Congress seemed possible in 1850. Now, 171 years later, it’s in the national mindscape once again. And for good reason. The echoes of 1850 are striking. We’re at a moment of extreme polarization when outcomes matter, sometimes profoundly,” Freeman wrote in a recent essay in The New York Times.

“The Republicans,” she continued, “whose ironclad grip on the Senate has dominated the federal government, feel entitled to that power and increasingly threatened; they know they’re swimming against the demographic tide in a diversifying nation. They have proven themselves ready and eager for minority rule; voter suppression — centered on people of color — is on the rise and has been for some time. And some of them are willing to protect what they deem right with threats of violence.”

He points out that most Republicans aren’t participating in acts of violence. Which is true. But they sure don[‘t seem to be bothered by it either.

Susan Hyde, a political scientist at University of California, Berkeley, who studies democracy and democratic backsliding both in the U.S. and abroad, said that Republican voters tolerated the party’s anti-democratic tendencies because the party’s elites signaled that it was OK to do so. “Republican politicians have been lying to their own voters, and they need to stop doing that if we are going to have peace,” said Hyde, who was referring specifically to the false belief among a large bloc of Republican voters that Trump won the election.

Meanwhile, Democrats are aggressively trying to enact what Bacon calls an “equality agenda” and are being ungracious with people who oppose it by referring to them in derisive terms.

Of course, some conservative behavior, like trying to make it harder for Black people to vote, probably should be both shamed and called out as racist. That said, it’s important to understand that some liberal and Democratic policies will require conservative Christians in particular to live in a changed America that they simply do not wish to live in. And the liberal focus on ideas like systemic racism and white supremacy has left many conservatives feeling that their individual behaviors and choices are being unfairly cast as racist.

Conservatives “are reacting to something real,” said Zimmer. “Their version of ‘Real America’ — a white, Christian America — is under threat. Republicans are convinced they are waging a noble war against the demise of ‘Real America.’ Conservatives think their backs are against the wall.”

It isn’t. The world is changing. It always has. And human civilization relies on people’s ability to adapt and evolve.

More pertinently, they are not being asked to give up anything but intolerance for sharing this country with people who are not like them and giving everyone an equal shake which used to be one of the bedrock American ideals, even if we never lived up to it.

“[On the left] there is a demand for more redistribution and laws and programs that help some people and not others,” said Vasabjit Banerjee, a political scientist at Mississippi State University who studies political conflicts. For example, he described Black Lives Matter as a “form of status redistribution,” that might be threatening to non-Black Americans because the movement’s goal is to, in effect, make Black people truly “full citizens” in America, equal to white Americans.

Reflecting on the actions of both sides, you can see why conservative attacks on liberals are much more problematic than the inverse. And that’s why it is hard to imagine Biden being able to unify America or end this uncivil war — his side is not the one feeling most aggrieved and taking anti-democratic, even violent, measures to win.

In his inaugural speech, Biden said, “We have learned again that democracy is precious. Democracy is fragile. And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed.”

He didn’t quite say why we had learned that democracy is precious, why it is fragile, or who or what it had prevailed against. But the reality is that some Republicans in America are so intent on defeating liberals that they are willing to erode America’s democracy, or even end it, along the way to victory.

No doubt about it.

Once again, Lincoln’s Cooper Union speech illuminates the problem:

The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We must not only let them alone, but we must somehow, convince them that we do let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of our organization, but with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them, is the fact that they have never detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them.

These natural, and apparently adequate means all failing, what will convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery wrong, and join them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly – done in acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated – we must place ourselves avowedly with them.

It’s their way or the highway. Always has been.

AOC is right. So right.

UNITED STATES – JANUARY 6: Rep. Jason Crow, D-Colo., comforts Rep. Susan Wild, D-Pa., while taking cover as protesters disrupt the joint session of Congress to certify the Electoral College vote on Wednesday, January 6, 2021. (Photo By Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via AP Images)

This piece by Jeet Heer discusses the recent brouhaha around AOC’s recitation of her experience during the insurrection. If you haven’t seen it, I highly recommend that you do. If you think that the national target of violent, right wing, vitriol didn’t have good reason to be terrified when the insurrectionists took over the Capitol, you haven’t been paying attention.

Her personal recollection is gut wrenching to anyone who has even a modicum of empathy. But there’s a bigger issue at stake even than that:

Ocasio-Cortez spoke in such personal terms in order to reject calls to move on from the events of January 6. “We cannot move on without accountability,” she insisted. “We cannot heal without accountability.”

The January 6 riot was so shocking that one would think there should be no need to insist on its importance. But the very fact that the failed insurrection revealed the explosive violence of Trumpist Republicans makes political interests vested in bipartisan cooperation all the more eager to whitewash the events.

This tendency is true not just of Republicans but also the media—and even some factions on the left. The late novelist Gore Vidal liked to quip that America should be called the United States of Amnesia. This national preference for willful forgetfulness is already evident in varied attempts to push the January 6 violence down the memory hole.

Republican Senator Lindsey Graham is among the most vocal advocates for a quick turn of the page. Appearing on Fox News on Monday, Graham warned that calling witnesses for the impeachment trial of Donald Trump would “open up Pandora’s box.” Graham added, “I hope we don’t call any and we vote and get this trial over next week when it starts.”

Republicans like Graham have obvious reasons to want the public to forget about January 6 as soon as possible. But the same tendency can be seen in media reporting on Ocasio-Cortez’s comments, which zeroed in on her revelations about sexual assault at the expense of what she said about the January 6 riot. The New York Times article was headlined, “Ocasio-Cortez Says She Is a Sexual Assault Survivor.”

That was a moving moment to be sure. Survivors of sexual assault no doubt related instantly to her emotion and discomfort in talking about it. But it wasn’t her point. She was using it to illustrate the dynamic that our politics are dealing with when it comes to these violent conspiracy addled right wingers. Trauma, which most people in the Capitol that day, not to mention the sane members of the public that watched it unfold on television, were traumatized. The country was traumatized by that violent assault on the US Capitol during a joint session of congress to try to overturn the election!

Her personal trauma informs her understanding of what that means and how important it is that perpetrators are held to account in order to move forward. Her belief that this was not just “business as usual” and requires redress was missed by people who seem to think that Trump’s heinous incitement to insurrection was somehow justified because the Democrats deserve it:

[…]

Ocasio-Cortez’s willingness to speak of her vulnerability during January 6, when she spent hours barricaded in the office of colleague Katie Porter, was a powerful reminder of why the Capitol riot still demands redress. But it wasn’t met with universal applause. Aside from the expected right-wing jeers, Ocasio-Cortez also provoked the scorn of maverick leftist Glenn Greenwald.

Speaking on the Jimmy Dore show on YouTube, Greenwald argued that by taking so strong a stance against Republicans, Ocasio-Cortez ruined an opportunity to forge a bipartisan opposition to Wall Street based on the current conflict between small investors organized on Reddit and large hedge funds.

“This week has been the most amazing week of having the left and the right unite against Wall Street,” Greenwald claimed. “Almost everybody across the spectrum supports what those Redditers are doing and is thrilled to see these hedge fund leeches suffering. It has created a major opportunity to regulate, to legislate, to reform. And Ted Cruz, whatever you think of him, reached out by saying, ‘I agree with AOC about this.’ So that was an opportunity for right and left to join together to do something that is supposedly her main reason for existing as a political figure, which is fighting income inequality, and instead she turns around and says, ‘Fuck you, I don’t want to work with you. You guys got me murdered. You’re a white supremacist.’ And suddenly the two camps divide again and over here you have the red team and over here you have the blue team cheering like morons at a fucking high school football game again because she ruined that movement. Because all she wants to do is attack Republicans and fortify the Democratic Party.”

Greenwald went on to add, “I do believe AOC was genuinely rattled by what happened at the Capitol.” But he insisted, “She made it through completely unscathed. Not even a tiny little bruise on her body. Every other member of Congress in the Democratic caucus, including Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib and others are equally demonized and they are fucking over it. They got over it. If you want to be a member of Congress, you can’t constantly center your own lived experiences, you’re not there to center yourself in every drama.

I’m not going to comment on the grotesque “buck up, lady, you don’t have any bruises” aspect of all that. I’ll let others do that. But I will point out that the analysis of the GameStop episode is embarrassingly fatuous, as I wrote earlier.

Heer makes clear the inane naivete of the idea Cruz was acting in good faith. He is a reptilian incubus:

Greenwald’s analysis has many problems. It rests on the assumption that Cruz’s statement of agreement with Ocasio-Cortez was the beginning of a serious, good-faith effort to tame Wall Street. But Cruz is a notoriously slippery character, as distrusted by his Republican colleagues as by Democrats. Given his long-standing connections to Goldman Sachs, it’s hard to believe he would suddenly turn into a populist champion. Further, far from being alone in speaking of the trauma of January 6, Ocasio-Cortez has had her testimony affirmed and praised by colleagues like Porter and Tlaib.

Heer gets to AOC’s point, here:

The force of Ocasio-Cortez’s words rest not just on her personal testimony but also on some undeniable facts: Donald Trump, while still president, stirred up a mob to attack Congress in order to thwart certification of the election of his successor. That’s a shocking deed that undermines all calls for comity. It’s understandable why various political factions are more comfortable in forgetting and moving on. But there can be no true reconciliation until the reality of what happened is acknowledged, which includes punishment for those who instigated the riot—and for those who were complicit in it.

Public figures like Ocasio-Cortez have a moral obligation to keep the memory of January 6 alive until there is accountability. To do less would mean joining the circle of complicity

Some people just don’t think the Capitol insurrection was a big deal:

For more on the idea that AOC’s trauma is incidental and illustrative of nothing, I recommend Jill Filipovic’s latest which is just so true:

https://twitter.com/JillFilipovic/status/1356719384887058437?s=20

I’m sure you remember the video that featured a woman screaming hysterically, “we’re coming for that bitch. Tell fuckin’ Pelosi we’re coming for her, fuckin traitorous cunt … we’re comin’ for all of you!”

I found it to be exceptionally chilling when I first saw it. These people were out for blood and I would have been terrified if I’d been there.

How can anyone lnot see that if that rabid mob had actually found Pelosi or AOC or any of their perceived enemies in the Democratic party, that they were in mortal danger? These people were beating cops with American flags!

If you’ve forgotten that one, here it is:

https://youtu.be/PfiS8MsfSF4

I’m a little boggled that anyone who isn’t a hard right wingnut would shrug off what happened that day as just another protest. But I guess if the people these “protesters” were hunting down are your enemies, you just don’t care much.

Just for the record, if a bunch of left wingers went after Marjorie Taylor Greene like this I wouldn’t excuse it. In fact, I wouldn’t excuse it if anyone did it. It’s horrifying.

It was what he did as well as what he said

The president’s TV Impeachment lawyer is planning to defend him both on the grounds that the impeachment is illegitimate because Mitch McConnell wouldn’t take it up until he was out of office. But it’s clear they are also preparing to defend him on the basis of the First Amendment saying he had a right to lie about the election results, just like any other guy on the street.

Ok. But here’s a nice rundown on what he actually did after the election:

From November through January 6, Trump engaged in an aggressive, meritless quest to hang on to power.

Even before election day, there were many earlier indications that Trump would not go gently into a post-presidency. He spent months laying the groundwork for delegitimizing the election in case he lost. In September, he refused to commit to a peaceful transfer of power.

By election night he was upfront about his intentions. As it began to look like he would lose, he put the country on notice: “This is a fraud on the American public,” he said in a televised speech shortly before 2:30 a.m. “This is an embarrassment to our country. We were getting ready to win this election—frankly, we did win this election.”

That was the beginning of the big election lie that led thousands of Trump supporters to breach the U.S. Capitol in a failed quest to stop the certification of Joe Biden’s victory. Without the lie, perpetuated by Trump and his acolytes, there would have been no insurrection. Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick would still be alive.

Just as soon as the media called the election for Joe Biden on November 7, Trump and his lawyers whipped up false claims about election fraud in hopes of stopping the states from certifying Biden’s election. Trump wheeled out White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany to accuse the Democrats of “welcoming fraud” in a spectacle that was so embarrassing Fox News cut away from it.

There was no substance to any of it. Trump’s campaign lawyers went on to lose dozens of cases in court. Even Bill Barr, his strongly supportive attorney general, said there was no evidence of widespread voter fraud. (At odds with Trump on this issue, Barr announced his resignation even though he had just a little more than a month left to serve.)

Still, Trump pressed on with his longshot bid to wipe out election results in the swing states.

Remember the lawsuit filed in the Supreme Court by the attorney general of Texas, seeking to nullify 20 million votes in four states, thereby throwing the election to Trump? The lawsuit that 18 other state attorneys general supported? It was “secretly drafted by lawyers close to the White House,” the New York Times has reported. Filed on December 7, the suit absurdly claimed that it was statistically impossible for Trump to have lost the election:

<blockquote>The probability of former Vice President Biden winning the popular vote in the four Defendant States—Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin—independently given President Trump’s early lead in those States as of 3 a.m. on November 4, 2020, is less than one in a quadrillion, or 1 in 1,000,000,000,000,000. For former Vice President Biden to win these four States collectively, the odds of that event happening decrease to less than one in a quadrillion to the fourth power.</blockquote>

White House staff—which is to say, paid government employeespushed that preposterous statistical fabrication, too. And Trump’s White House pressured members of Congress—including House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy—into signing an amicus brief supporting the bogus case. Two thirds of the Republicans in the House would do so. An array of longtime conservative grassroots leaders enlisted in the effort as well. These swamp creatures—including Tony Perkins, Al Regnery, Tom Fitton, Becky Norton Dunlop, Brent Bozell, and Gary Bauer—falsely and bizarrely stated: “There is no doubt President Donald J. Trump is the lawful winner of the presidential election. Joe Biden is not president-elect.”

When the Supreme Court rejected the Texas lawsuit on December 11, Trump still did not concede.

When the Electoral College met on December 14 and confirmed Joe Biden’s victory, Trump did not concede, either.

Instead, he kept grasping and clawing for more options. His efforts to overturn the election results were so many and so varied that by mid-December, journalists had run out of clichés to describe them: “last-gasp,” “last-ditch,” “eleventh-hour,” and “hail Mary” had all been burned through.

At that point, only one more deadline was left.

January 6, the date scheduled for the constitutionally required congressional “counting” of the Electoral College votes. It was supposed to be a mere formality—but as the final procedural step before the new president was sworn in, Trump and his supporters seized it as their last chance to alter the outcome, by any disruption necessary. His efforts, and those of his allies, began to converge on that date.

On December 27, Trump began promoting a January 6 gathering in Washington—what would eventually serve as the staging point for his rally-turned-mob:

On December 30, Sen. Josh Hawley said that he would object to the certification of Electoral College votes on January 6. Three days later, Sen. Ted Cruz and a batch of other Republicans also said they would object.

In Georgia, where incumbent Republicans Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue were campaigning to retain their Senate seats in a pair of run-off races that would determine the balance of power in the chamber, Trump hijacked the spotlight for his own means.

In public, he repeatedly berated Georgia officials over their handling of the election. Behind the scenes, he squeezed them to change the results of the presidential election with the aim of blocking Biden’s election from being certified by Congress on January 6. Trump pressed Georgia Governor Brian Kemp to use the state legislature to overturn Biden’s win in the Peach State. Trump called Georgia’s elections investigator and told him to “find the fraud.” When no one bit, Trump then directly called Georgia’s secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, on January 2 and told him to “find” the precise number of votes Trump needed to win the state or else there would be “a big risk to you.”

Meanwhile, lawyers and organizations working on Trump’s behalf, such as Lin Wood, Sidney Powell, and an activist outfit called Women for America First, enthusiastically promoted Trump’s baseless claims with splashy events designed to garner grassroots support for Trump’s cause.

Militia groups started raising money and organizing to take mass action on January 6.

Trump returned to Georgia on January 4 for a final campaign rally for the senators and told the crowd he would stop Biden from becoming president.

“They’re not going to take this White House,” Trump said. “We’re going to fight like hell, I’ll tell you right now.”

Earlier that day, Loeffler and Perdue both revealed that they would join Hawley and Cruz in objecting to Biden’s certification on January 6, which jazzed the crowd. Trump welcomed newly elected Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene to the stage. Known for embracing all manner of bigoted and delusional conspiracy theories, Greene said said she was “so fired up” that Loeffler agreed to object. “We have to save America and stop socialism. . . . We’re going to fight for President Trump on January 6! God bless, Georgia, God bless America—let’s do this!”

On January 5, Loeffler and Perdue ended their campaigns in failure. But Trump’s campaign was just about to reach its bloody climax.

At his January 6 “Save America” rally on the Ellipse by the White House, Trump’s tough talk became explicit marching orders. Trump falsely suggested to the rallygoers that he would accompany them to the Capitol, giving them the full impression that he shared their goal of physically descending on Congress to prevent the certification of Biden’s election. His apologists have made much of his one remark about “peacefully and patriotically” marching to the Capitol. But that line must be looked at in the context of the rest of his speech. He said:

<blockquote>We’re going to walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators, and congressmen and women. We’re probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them because you’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength, and you have to be strong.</blockquote>

And:

<blockquote>We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen. You don’t concede when there’s theft involved. Our country has had enough. We will not take it anymore, and that is what this is all about. And to use a favorite term that all of you people really came up with, we will ‘Stop the Steal’. . . . You will have an illegitimate president. That is what you will have, and we can’t let that happen. These are the facts that you won’t hear from the fake news media. It’s all part of the suppression effort. They don’t want to talk about it. They don’t want to talk about it. . . . We fight like hell, and if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.</blockquote>

And:

<blockquote>Now it is up to Congress to confront this egregious assault on our democracy. And after this, we’re going to walk down, and I’ll be there with you. . . . We are going to the Capitol, and we are going to try and give—the Democrats are hopeless, they are never voting for anything, not even one vote, but we are going to try—give our Republicans, the weak ones, because the strong ones don’t need any of our help, we’re try—going to try and give them the kind of pride and boldness that they need to take back our country.</blockquote>

And then the mob came.

The Washington Post reported that “as senators and House members trapped inside the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday begged for immediate help during the siege, they struggled to get through to the president, who—safely ensconced in the West Wing—was too busy watching fiery TV images of the crisis unfolding around them to act or even bother to hear their pleas.”

While the violence unfolded, Trump didn’t send help to protect Congress. He remained focused on pushing Republican members of Congress to object to or delay the vote count, dialing the phone in hopes of finding another recruit for his cause.

It wasn’t until long after the windows had been smashed and the blood had been spilled that Trump issued any kind of public statement about the shocking scene that had unfolded. In an awkward, short video shot in the Rose Garden, he didn’t manage to unequivocally condemn the violence; rather, he bathed the insurrectionists with warm words in support of their shared cause.

“This was a fraudulent election, but we can’t play into the hands of these people,” Trump said. “We have to have peace. So go home, we love you, you’re very special, you’ve seen what happens, you’ve seen the way others are treated that are so bad and so evil. I know how you feel, but go home and go home in peace.”

Trump’s team asserts that at no time did Trump try to subvert the election results. Oh my goodness did they open up can of worms there. Just the stuff in Georgia alone, documented on tape is enough. But he also had Rudy calling Tommy Tuberville while the riot was happening to get him to object to the results. The way we know this is because he got the wrong number and called Mike Lee instead and left a voice mail. We have heard the voice mail.

Step right up to Trump’s impeachment circus

As the second impeachment trial of Donald Trump approaches, we are beginning to get some idea of how the House managers intend to proceed. The single Article of Impeachment alleges that Trump lied repeatedly about the results of the election and called people to Washington, D.C. for a rally at which he incited them to “violent, deadly, destructive and seditious acts.” It cites his earlier attempts to subvert and obstruct the certification of the results of the election including that astonishing phone call in which Trump openly asked an election official in Georgia to “find” the votes needed to overturn the election in his state.

Senate Majority leader Chuck Schumer told MSNBC on Saturday that the trial will “show the American people — vividly, on film — what happened there in the Capitol, what Trump said. … All of America will see it.”

There’s a lot of video and audio available to tell that story — much of it produced by the insurrectionists themselves. The call between Trump and Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger was also taped. There are dozens of court transcripts from indicted insurrectionists who say they believed that the president had told them to do what they did. It is well documented that Trump did what he is accused of doing.

This is why Republicans have offered up a defense for Trump that would evade the charges altogether and argue simply that the Senate has no constitutional right to impeach him at all since he is already out of office. The fact that then-Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., made sure the Senate was not in session to receive the Article of Impeachment until Joe Biden took office gives away the game on that one.

In other words, Republicans believe the best way to let Donald Trump off the hook for telling a crazed mob to march to the Capitol on January 6th to overturn the election they all know he lost, is to pretend that the process is fundamentally illegitimate. This is a highly disputed claim but it’s really all they’ve got.

Trump, however, is apparently having none of it.

Just a little over a week before he is to file briefs in the case, he abruptly parted ways with most of his legal team, a group of respected lawyers from South Carolina led by a former prosecutor named Butch Bowers. The split, which was made public on Saturday, reportedly occurred over differences of opinion about strategy. Trump’s former lawyers believed that his best defense was the one the Senate Republicans handed him on a silver platter last week when 45 of them cast a vote making it clear that they backed the “illegitimate process” argument and would acquit Trump of the charges on that basis.

Their client curiously disagreed.

According to both the New York Times and the Washington Post, Trump insisted that his lawyers mount a defense focusing on “his baseless claims about election fraud.” Bowers informed Trump they could not do it. The reason for that, of course, is that they would have to lie and like many of the lawyers Trump has employed since the election — other than the unhinged legal freakshow of Rudy Giuliani, Sidney Powell and Jenna Ellis — they refused to break the law on his behalf or participate in his propaganda campaign to undermine the election results.

The Times also reported that the newly pardoned Steve Bannon, back in Trump’s good graces and advising him on his future, believes that Trump should go to the floor of the Senate and make his case in-person because “he’s the only one who can sell it.” There was also speculation that Trump might let his old buddy Giuliani take over as he’s been champing at the bit to do from the beginning, but since Giuliani is actually a participant in the incitement, telling the January 6th mob that there should be “trial by combat,” it seems the president’s advisers have succeeded in keeping him from the case. And it was not entirely unlikely that Trump just would not bother to put up a case at all, allowing McConnell and his other henchmen in the Senate to make his argument for him and call it a day. After all, he already believes he’s guaranteed an acquittal as Trump’s reportedly told people he couldn’t see why he should have to spend money on lawyers if he already has the verdict in the bag.

But Trump did end up hiring two lawyers to replace the team that left on Saturday. Roger Stone’s former attorney David Schoen, who had evidently already been working with Trump, now assumes the lead role. Bruce Castor, a former DA from Pennsylvania best known for refusing to prosecute Bill Cosby, has also been added to the team. According to the news release announcing their hiring, they both believe that that the trial is unconstitutional — which doesn’t actually say much about how they plan to defend the president.

Both Schoen and Castor have reputations for theatricality. In Schoen’s case, that’s a literal description since he studied at the Actor’s Studio in New York and has recently acted in a docudrama about the late accused child trafficker Jeffrey Epstein, whom he met with just days before Epstein committed suicide. Schoen describes himself as someone who has represented “reputed mobster figures: alleged head of Russian mafia in this country, Israeli mafia and two Italian bosses.” Now he’s representing Donald Trump. Castor was evidently once an up and coming Republican politician in the state of Pennsylvania but his Cosby decision derailed his career when he turned to mush on the witness stand.

Trump’s new attorneys would appear to be the kind of lawyers who will do for his impeachment trial what Dr. Scott Atlas did for his COVID response. When asked about the Democrats’ reported trial strategy, Trump adviser Jason Miller told Axios’ Mike Allen: “‘Emotionally charged’ is code for ‘We know this is unconstitutional, but we’re going to try to put on a show anyway.'”

A show you say?

Trump likely sees this trial as a way to once again rally the base with a spirited “defense” stating the election was stolen, this time with an implicit admission that he believes the insurrection was justified. If he does that all the pundits insist it’s going to make the GOP senators very nervous and they might end up voting to convict. Will it? Nah. They’ll find a way to make sure he faces no accountability at their hands. We have to stop pretending otherwise.

The question is whether the “show” the Democrats put on to prosecute Trump will be more convincing to the American people than whatever “circus” Trump is planning. If you want emotion, he’s got plenty of emotion ready to go. He might even get some of that incitement going all over again. But the evidence of what he did that day is irrefutable. He’s guilty as sin.

Jan 6th’s Christian soldiers

One of the weirdest videos from January 6th is the one on which the “Shaman” takes over the dais in the Senate and leads the marauding rioters in a prayer. These people seemed like the least “Godly” people on earth:

This piece by Sarah Posner about the Religious Right’s participation in the Insurrection is enlightening:

The Jan. 6 Save America March, where then-President Donald Trump incited a crowd to attack the U.S. Capitol, opened with a prayer. Trump’s longtime spiritual adviser and White House adviser, the Florida televangelist Paula White, called on God to “give us a holy boldness in this hour.” Standing at the same podium where, an hour later, Trump would exhort the crowd to “fight like hell,” White called the election results into question, asking God to let the people “have the assurance of a fair and a just election.” Flanked by a row of American flags, White implored God to “let every adversary against democracy, against freedom, against life, against liberty, against justice, against peace, against righteousness be overturned right now in the name of Jesus.”

Within hours, insurrectionists had surrounded the Capitol, beaten police, battered down barricades and doors, smashed windows and rampaged through the halls of the Capitol, breaching the Senate chamber. In video captured by The New Yorker, men ransacked the room, rifling through senators’ binders and papers, searching for evidence of what they claimed was treason. Then, standing on the rostrum where the president of the Senate presides, the group paused to pray “in Christ’s holy name.”

Men raised their arms in the air as millions of evangelical and charismatic parishioners do every Sunday and thanked God for allowing them “to send a message to all the tyrants, the communists and the globalists, that this is our nation, not theirs.” They thanked God “for allowing the United States of America to be reborn.”

White evangelicals have been Trump’s most dedicated, unwavering base, standing by him through the cavalcade of abuses, failures and scandals that engulfed his campaigns and his presidency – from the “Access Hollywood” tape to his first impeachment to his efforts to overturn the election and incite the Capitol insurrection. This fervent relationship, which has survived the events of Jan. 6, is based on far more than a transactional handshake over judicial appointments and a crackdown on abortion and LGBTQ rights.

Trump’s White evangelical base has come to believe that God anointed him and that Trump’s placement of Christian-right ideologues in critical positions at federal agencies and in federal courts was the fulfillment of a long-sought goal of restoring the United States as a Christian nation. Throughout Trump’s presidency, his political appointees implemented policies that stripped away reproductive and LGBTQ rights and tore down the separation of church and state in the name of protecting unfettered religious freedom for conservative Christians. After Joe Biden won the presidency, Trump administration loyalists launched their own Christian organization to “stop the steal,” in the ultimate act of loyalty to their divine leader.

Since even before Trump took office, his cry of “fake news” was embraced by GOP leaders and leaders on the Christian right, who reinforced their followers’ fealty by seeking to sequester them from reality and training them to dismiss any criticism of Trump as a witch hunt or a hoax. At the 2019 Faith & Freedom Coalition conference, held just months after special counsel Robert Mueller released his report on the Russia investigation, then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell accused the president’s critics of “Trump derangement syndrome,” and Sen. Marsha Blackburn, a Republican from Tennessee, urged the audience to disregard mainstream news and turn instead to the “most important name in news” – “you and your circle of friends.”

A few months later, amid Trump’s first impeachment hearings, then-Rep. Mark Meadows, who would go on to become Trump’s chief of staff, encouraged Christian-right activists at a luncheon at the Trump International Hotel in Washington to counteract news reports by retweeting him and other Trump loyalists in Congress. He underlined the power of this alternative information system, claiming that recent tweets from himself and Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio – who would later vote to overturn the results of November’s election – had received 163 million impressions, “more than the viewership of all the networks combined.”

Over the course of 2020, those circles of disinformation became infested with QAnon conspiracy theories about a satanic, child-sex-trafficking “deep state,” priming Trump’s White evangelical shock troops for his ultimate conspiratorial lie: that the election was stolen from him and that Biden’s victory was the result of fraud. As Trump and his legal team fanned out across the country’s courthouses and right-wing airwaves, insisting that they would prove voter fraud and reverse the results of the presidential election, Christian-right leaders and media picked up the rhetoric and ran with it. By Thanksgiving, the lie that the election had been stolen from Trump had become an article of faith.

Coverage of the Capitol insurrection has focused on such far-right instigators as the White supremacist Proud Boys and the Three Percenters, a militia group. But a reconstruction of the weeks leading up Jan. 6 shows how a Christian-right group formed to “stop the steal” worked to foment a bellicose Christian narrative in defense of Trump’s coup attempt and justify a holy war against an illegitimate state.

In late November, two federal workers, Arina Grossu – who had previously worked for the Christian-right advocacy group Family Research Council – and Rob Weaver, formed a new Christian right group, the Jericho March. The new group’s goal, according to a news release announcing its launch, was to “prayerfully protest and call on government officials to cast light on voter fraud, corruption, and suppression of the will of the American people in this election.” In fact, the Jericho March would help lay the groundwork for the insurrection.

There’s much more detail at the link.

The Christian Right’s devotion to Donald Trump says everything about who they really are. Even if you believe that it is a purely transactional relationship in which they got their anti-abortion judges in exchange for supporting him, it’s impossible to respect them as moral leaders. And frankly, I don’t think it had anything to do with judges. That kind of transaction doesn’t inspire the ecstatic support they give him. They are passionate about Donald Trump, the libertine, three-time married, pussy grabbing, profane, corrupt, vengeful monster. They seem to be more than fine with all of that.

This isn’t about Christianity, it’s about something much more primitive.

They just can’t quit him

I believe all the reports that say Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., loathes former president Donald Trump with every fiber of his being. Apparently, he hasn’t spoken to him since the election and has made it clear to everyone who knows him that he would love to see Trump just retire to Mar-a-Lago never to be heard from again. He’s anything but a Trump true believer.

But Mitch McConnell believes in power. As he cast about trying to get a sense of where Republicans are in the wake of Trump’s disastrous performance since the election and the incitement of a violent insurrection on January 6th, he floated trial balloons about supporting impeachment and made some critical speeches. But he never had any intention of allowing Donald Trump to be convicted in a Senate trial, even if it were possible. How do we know this? As The Atlantic’s James Fallows tweeted:

-On January 13, when House voted for impeachment, McConnell said Senate could not consider it *until* Trump had left office. -From Jan 20 onward, McConnell has said Senate should not consider it *because* Trump has left office.

On Tuesday, when Senator Rand Paul, R-Ky, called for a vote on the question of whether impeaching a president after he was out of office was constitutional, Mitch McConnell and with 44 other Republicans signaled that they believe it is not. That’s why he delayed the trial. A year ago, Republicans argued against Trump’s first impeachment because the country was too close to an election.

Similarly, McConnell’s lugubrious paean to Senatorial comity as he held the Senate hostage demanding that Democrats agree not to eliminate the filibuster is a monument to shameless hypocrisy, as Fallows also demonstrates:

https://twitter.com/JamesFallows/status/1354204336704937986

McConnell himself eliminated the filibuster for judicial confirmations (except to the Supreme Court) and had no problem with it for regular legislation because they didn’t really legislate during Trump’s term. Republicans rammed through their massive corporate tax giveaway and a failed Obamacare repeal through the Senate’s budget reconciliation process because budget bills can’t be filibustered. So all McConnell did was kill legislation that passed the House and confirm federal judges on an assembly line. Republicans don’t really have a legislative agenda anymore. They are a purely obstructionist congressional party that depends entirely on judicial power to roll back existing programs and executive power to enact policy.

In any case, it’s clear that we don’t have to hold our breath wondering if the newly enlightened Mitch McConnell will join hands with the sane people to save the country from Trump’s radical mob. The idea was always laughable. What’s happening instead is a concerted effort on the part of the entire GOP establishment to cleanse Donald Trump of any responsibility for what he did so that he might emerge once again as the hero they’ve all been waiting for. They simply cannot quit him.

Take for instance Rand Paul’s speech on Tuesday, a tour de force of brazen bad faith.

“Impeachment is for removal from office, and the accused here has already left office — a trial would drag our great country down into the gutter of rancor and vitriol, the likes of which has never been seen in our nation’s history,” the Kentucky Republican thundered.

I’m pretty sure we saw the likes of that on January 6th when the greatest sore loser in history provoked an angry mob into storming the Capitol, chanting “hang Mike Pence” and “Nancy Pelosi, we’re coming for you!” Frankly, this country was dragged into the gutter of rancor and vitriol the day Donald Trump was elected president in 2016.

Florida Senator Marco Rubio, who has apparently taken a bet from someone that he can be even more sycophantic toward Trump than South Carolina Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham, characterized holding Trump accountable for siccing an angry mob on Congress to stop the certification of the electoral college as simply a “show” trial:

Again, if you’re talking about shows and vengeance, it’s pretty rich to try to misdirect people into believing it’s the impeachment rather than the events of January 6th in which Donald Trump staged a huge rally in D.C. on the day Congress was scheduled to certify Joe Biden’s win and told them he was going to lead them to the Capitol to stop the count.

Ted Cruz, one of the insurrectionist senators who backed Trump’s baseless claims of election irregularities in swing states Trump lost, unctuously declared that we now need to move on:

This from the man who flogged the Benghazi pseudo-scandal for years.

And then we have former South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley making an earnest appeal to leave poor Trump alone:

“The actions of the president post-Election Day were not great. What happened on January 6 was not great. Does he deserve to be impeached, absolutely not … I don’t even think there’s a basis for impeachment. Now they’re going to turn around and bring about impeachment yet they say they’re for unity. I mean at some point give the man a break. I mean move on…

This is deja vu all over again. Every time Trump did something outrageously beyond the pale, there would be a flurry of hand wringing and pearl-clutching by Republicans followed almost immediately by excuses and deflecting blame once they got some blowback from the right-wing media and Trump’s supporters. The pattern was set back in the 2016 campaign when news of the Access Hollywood tape was published and half the GOP declared it was the last straw, claiming they could never look their children in the eye again if they supported such a crude, indecent man. Some said he should step aside for Mike Pence or even declared their intention to vote for Hillary Clinton. Mitch McConnell said that he strongly believed “Trump needs to apologize directly to women and girls everywhere, and take full responsibility for the utter lack of respect for women shown in his comments on that tape.”

He did not. And before long, the GOP response was more along the lines of Dr. Ben Carson’s, who claimed the Democrats had probably had the tapes for some time and had dropped them to distract attention from Wikileaks emails that supposedly said Hillary Clinton wanted “open borders.” (Those Wikileaks emails were actually released immediately after the Access Hollywood tape came out.)

As we know, all but a small handful of Republicans fell in lockstep with him shortly thereafter until the next time he did something abhorrent. A few apostates rebelled and ended up being chased out of politics for it but before long, most of them stopped even pretending to have any integrity or morals and the few that still felt compelled to say something when he went off the rails usually just made a half-hearted gesture and then went along.

And as usual, it appears this time that for most of the senators, even those who proclaimed their dismay at the violent mob that defiled the Capitol, their vote to fulfill their oath and certify the election took all the energy they could muster to protect our democracy. On Tuesday, only five Republicans managed to reject Rand Paul’s fatuous claim that the impeachment is unconstitutional, the vast majority signaling once again that Donald Trump can do no wrong.

Salon

A dangerous menace inside the Capitol

I’m speaking of Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Green a person who should not be allowed anywhere near the House of Representatives. She is violent and dangerous:

Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene repeatedly indicated support for executing prominent Democratic politicians in 2018 and 2019 before being elected to Congress, a CNN KFile review of hundreds of posts and comments from Greene’s Facebook page shows.

Greene, who represents Georgia’s 14th Congressional District, frequently posted far-right extremist and debunked conspiracy theories on her page, including the baseless QAnon conspiracy which casts former President Donald Trump in an imagined battle against a sinister cabal of Democrats and celebrities who abuse children.In one post, from January 2019, Greene liked a comment that said “a bullet to the head would be quicker” to remove House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. In other posts, Greene liked comments about executing FBI agents who, in her eyes, were part of the “deep state” working against Trump.

In one Facebook post from April 2018, Greene wrote conspiratorially about the Iran Deal, one of former President Barack Obama’s signature foreign policy achievements. A commenter asked Greene, “Now do we get to hang them ?? Meaning H & O ???,” referring to Obama and Hillary Clinton.

Greene replied, “Stage is being set. Players are being put in place. We must be patient. This must be done perfectly or liberal judges would let them off.”After CNN reached out to Greene, her personal Twitter account posted a statement in which she did not deny that she liked posts and replied to comments but claimed that many people have run her Facebook page.

“Over the years, I’ve had teams of people manage my pages. Many posts have been liked. Many posts have been shared. Some did not represent my views. Especially the ones that CNN is about to spread across the internet,” she wrote.Greene did not specify whether she or a member of her team were behind the posts reviewed by CNN’s KFile.

CNN reached out to Pelosi’s office for comment multiple times but did not receive a response.Though her tenure in Congress has only lasted a few weeks, Greene is already facing calls to leave the House for her role in fanning the flames of the Capitol insurrection earlier this month after she objected to the election certification process and falsely insisted that Trump would remain president.

After Democratic Rep. Jimmy Gomez called on Greene to be expelled from the House for her role in the insurrection, Greene condemned the violence at the Capitol and falsely accused “Antifa/BLM terrorism” and Democratic politicians of stoking the insurrection.”I fully condemn ALL violence. The Antifa/BLM terrorism funded on ActBlue rests with Democrat accomplices like @CoriBush @Ilhan @KamalaHarris @AOC @timkaine & many more… Those who stoke insurrection & spread conspiracies have blood on their hands. They must be expelled,” she tweeted.

Parkland families call for Marjorie Taylor Greene’s resignation after posts surface showing she agreed shooting was a ‘false flag’Last week Greene faced calls to resign from the survivors of the Parkland shooting survivors after Media Matters reported she agreed with comments calling the 2018 shooting a “false flag” operation, which refers to acts that are designed by perpetrators to be made to look like they were carried out by other individuals or groups.

CNN’s KFile found additional comments from Greene where she called David Hogg, a survivor and activist, “#littleHitler” and spread a conspiracy that he was a “bought and paid little pawn” and actor.Before she ran for Congress in 2020, Greene created a White House petition in January 2019 to impeach the House speaker for “crimes of treason,” citing Pelosi’s support of so-called sanctuary policies that “are serving illegals and not United States citizens” and because Pelosi did not support Trump’s border wall.In one speech, promoting the petition, Greene suggested Pelosi could be executed for treason.

“She’s a traitor to our country, she’s guilty of treason,” Greene says in the video, which she posted on Facebook at the time. “She took an oath to protect American citizens and uphold our laws. And she gives aid and comfort to our enemies who illegally invade our land. That’s what treason is. And by our law representatives and senators can be kicked out and no longer serve in our government. And it’s, uh, it’s a crime punishable by death is what treason is. Nancy Pelosi is guilty of treason.”

In another Facebook Live broadcast from inside Pelosi’s office on February 22, 2019, Greene suggested the House speaker will “suffer death or she’ll be in prison” for her “treason.”

Notably, Greene never mentions a trial. In another broadcast from later that day, she suggested California Rep. Maxine Waters was “just as guilty of treason as Nancy Pelosi.”

In the comments of her Facebook posts, often promoting the petition, Greene liked a comment that said “through removal or death, doesn’t matter, as long as she goes,” referring to Pelosi, and another that encouraged Greene to “beat Pelosi’s ass.”

The petition for Pelosi’s impeachment and removal for treason amassed over 420,000 signatures as of January 2021.

On social media, Greene portrays herself as an opponent to political violence and casts Democrats as the real instigators of political violence, either real or imaginary, who get away with threatening calls for violence.

“Do any of you remember a day when talking about assassinating the President resulted in getting arrested? As in arrested in real life, not FB [Facebook] jail. When was that? Pre-2016 I think, right??? But if you are a conservative that’s a different story!” wrote Greene in 2019.

While Greene notes in Facebook posts that she disavows and denounces violence, within the comment sections of Greene’s Facebook page, commenters frequently cheer for politicians to be executed by hanging or firing squad.Elsewhere on her Facebook page, Greene liked comments that advocated to “arrest” Obama and former Secretary of State John Kerry and one comment that said, “HANG that bitch,” referring to either Obama or Kerry or possibly both of them. She also liked a comment that urged for “civil war 2.0” to begin.

Greene, who has embraced and spread the baseless conspiracy theory about a “deep state” working to usurp Trump’s agenda, suggested in Facebook posts that FBI agents disloyal to Trump were traitors. She liked a comment that said, “Trump already said there were some great ones working with FBI but some have fallen and quite frankly need to be hung for TREASON!” Another she liked said, “These Traitors need to be put to death as an example of what will no longer be tolerated in our country!!!”

The Grim Reaper’s game plan

Jane Mayer has a long piece about McConnell’s role in the Trump era up at the New Yorker. She says that McConnell really loathed Trump but had made a pact with the devil to get his tax cuts and judges, which we already knew. She also claims that he wanted to extricate the party from him but wanted to see if they could maintain their majority in the Senate before making a move:

As it turned out, the Republican leadership’s complicity with Trump was not only cynical; it also may have been an egregious miscalculation, given that voter data suggests his unchecked behavior likely cost the Republican Party the two Georgia seats. The chaos and the intra-party warfare in the state appear to have led large numbers of moderate Republican voters in the suburbs to either vote Democratic or not vote at all. And in some deeply conservative pockets of Georgia where the President held rallies, such as the Dalton area, Republican turnout was unexpectedly low, likely because Trump had undermined his supporters’ faith in the integrity of American elections.

By dawn on January 6th, it had become clear that Loeffler and Perdue were both going to lose. The personal and political consequences for McConnell were cataclysmic. Stuart Stevens, a Republican strategist who helped lead Romney’s 2012 Presidential campaign and was a founder of the anti-Trump group the Lincoln Project, told me, “McConnell had a forty-eight hours like no one else. He became Minority Leader and his Capitol was invaded. Domestic terrorists got inside it this time—unlike on 9/11.” (On that day, Al Qaeda had planned to crash a United Airlines flight into the Capitol, but the plane went down after passengers overwhelmed the hijackers.) Stevens went on, “And what happened in Georgia was incredible. He’s scared to death, too, at how corporate America is responding. Supporting the overthrow of the U.S. government isn’t good for business.”

After the January 6th insurrection, dozens of the largest corporate campaign donors, including A.T. & T., Comcast, and Honeywell, used their cash to send a message: their political action committees would no longer contribute to the hundred and forty-seven Republican representatives and senators who had opposed certification of the Presidential election even after the Capitol riot, on the spurious ground that the process had been less than fair. Even Koch Industries, the huge oil-refining conglomerate that has served as the conservative movement’s piggy bank for decades, said that it was reëvaluating its political contributions. McConnell, who once infamously declared that the three most important ingredients for political success in America are “money,” “money,” and “money,” was reportedly alarmed. A spokesperson for McConnell denies this, but, according to the Associated Press, he spent much of the weekend after the Capitol assault talking with colleagues and the Republican Party’s wealthy corporate donors, promising that he, too, was finally done with Trump.

Still, with another impeachment trial looming in the Senate, it’s unclear whether McConnell will truly end his compact with Trumpism. His recent denunciation of Trump sounded unequivocal. But he and his Republican caucus could make the same miscalculation that they made in Georgia, choosing to placate the Trumpian base of the Party rather than confront its retrograde values and commitment to falsehoods. So far, McConnell has been characteristically cagey. Although he let it be known that he regards Trump’s behavior as potentially impeachable, he also signalled that he hasn’t personally decided whether he will vote to convict him. He explained that he wants first to hear the evidence. He also rejected Democrats’ requests that he bring the Senate back from a winter recess to start the impeachment trial immediately, saying he prefers that the Senate trial begin in mid-February. Meanwhile, Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker of the House, has said that she might start the trial process by sending the article of impeachment to the Senate as early as January 25th. Either way, it will be left to Chuck Schumer, the leader of the new Democratic majority in the Senate, to take on the politically perilous business of presiding over the trial of a former President—an unprecedented event in American history.

“I think McConnell is trying to have it both ways,” Stevens told me. “He absolutely doesn’t want to impeach and convict Trump. It would split his base and cause members of his caucus to face primary challengers.” Stevens contended that McConnell, by signalling his openness to impeachment without committing to convicting Trump, was trying to avoid a meltdown of the Republican Party. Stevens likened McConnell to the top engineer at Chernobyl, who, after the power plant malfunctioned, thought that he could micromanage a nuclear disaster: “He tried to take the rods out.” Stevens added, “If he really wanted an impeachment conviction, he’d have done the trial right away.”

At first, political observers from both parties considered it possible that McConnell was merely using the threat of an impeachment trial as a brushback—a way to hold Trump in line as he left office. Then McConnell directly accused Trump of having “provoked” the mob. Jim Manley, who served as the senior communications adviser to Harry Reid, the former Democratic Majority Leader, told me, “There is no going back now. He has decided to cut his losses, and do what he can to make sure Trump is no longer a threat to the Republican Party.” McConnell and other Republican leaders, Manley suggested, “have gotten as much out of Trump as they can, and it’s now time to make sure Trump is damaged goods.”

But the risks for McConnell and other Senate Republicans are high. It’s never good for a party leader to get out too far ahead of his caucus members—he risks losing their fundamental support. Senator Lindsey Graham has criticized McConnell’s decision to blame Trump for the Capitol riot and has warned that, “without Trump’s help” in 2022, “we cannot take back the House and the Senate,” adding, “If you’re wanting to erase Donald Trump from the Party, you’re going to get erased.” McConnell’s maneuvers have also stirred the wrath of such powerful right-wing media figures as Sean Hannity, the Fox News host known for his unyielding sycophancy toward Trump. Hannity has called for McConnell to step down from the Party’s leadership in the Senate.

But if McConnell can muster the additional sixteen Republican votes necessary for a conviction—doing so requires the assent of two-thirds of the Senate, and the fifty Democratic senators are expected to vote as a bloc—he will have effectively purged Trump from the Party. Moreover, after a conviction, the Senate could hold a second vote, to bar Trump permanently from running for any federal office. Such a move might strengthen McConnell’s clout within the Party and help his wing of traditional Republicans reëstablish itself as the face of the G.O.P. Al Cross, a veteran political reporter and the director of the Institute for Rural Journalism, at the University of Kentucky, said, of McConnell, “I think he sees a chance to make Trump this generation’s version of Nixon, leaving no doubt who is at the top of the Republican heap.” Banning Trump would also guarantee that a different Republican will secure the Party’s nomination for President in 2024. Otherwise, Trump threatens to cast a shadow over the Party’s future. He has discussed running again, and, shortly before flying to Florida on January 20th, he stood on a tarmac and vowed, “We will be back in some form.

Jentleson, the former Senate aide, thinks that McConnell and his party are in a very tricky spot: “The glue that kept the Tea Party and establishment Republicans together during the past few years was tax cuts and judges. And McConnell can’t deliver those anymore. So you could basically see the Republican Party coming apart at the seams. You need to marry the forty per cent that is the Trump base with the ten per cent that’s the establishment. McConnell is like a cartoon character striding aside a crack that’s getting wider as the two plates drift farther apart. They may not come back together. If they can’t reattach, they can’t win.”

There is another option: McConnell could just lie low and wait to see if the Democrats self-destruct. A divisive Senate impeachment trial may undercut Biden’s message of bipartisan unity, hampering his agenda in the crucial early months of his Presidency, when he needs momentum. McConnell has already seized on the fifty-fifty balance between the parties in the Senate in order to obstruct the Democrats. He’s refusing to devise rules for moving forward on Senate business unless Schumer yields to his demand not to alter the filibuster rule. Reviled by progressives, the rule requires a supermajority of sixty votes to pass legislation, rather than the simple majority that the Democrats now have if Vice-President Kamala Harris casts a tie-breaking vote. McConnell, who wrote a memoir titled “The Long Game,” is a master at outwaiting his foes. And, as Jentleson observed, one can never overestimate the appeal for politicians of “kicking the can down the road,” especially when confronted with tough decisions.

McConnell could conceivably make a play that would avoid a direct showdown over convicting Trump. A conservative legal argument has recently been advanced by J. Michael Luttig, a prominent former federal appeals-court judge: the Senate, he says, has no constitutional authority to hold an impeachment trial after a President has left office. Luttig’s argument has been challenged by numerous constitutional scholars, some of whom have cited an instance in which a lesser official was impeached after leaving office. But this politically convenient exit ramp is alluring, and Luttig is held in high regard by conservatives. The Republican senator Tom Cotton, of Arkansas, a Harvard Law School graduate, has eagerly embraced the theory, arguing, “The Founders designed the impeachment process as a way to remove officeholders from public office—not an inquest against private citizens.” So has Joni Ernst, of Iowa, who is a member of McConnell’s leadership team.

Christopher Browning, a historian of the Holocaust and Nazi Germany, told me that McConnell has been almost “Houdini-like at escaping his own devil’s pact” with Trump. In a widely admired essay in The New York Review of Books, from 2018, Browning called McConnell “the gravedigger of American democracy,” and likened him to elected officials in Weimar Germany who struck early deals with Hitler, mistakenly believing that they could contain him and his followers. When I asked Browning if he still regarded McConnell in this way, he said that the new Minority Leader had “cut a better deal than most.” McConnell was “lucky that Trump was so lazy, feckless, and undisciplined.” Hitler didn’t go golfing, Browning pointed out. But Browning found little to celebrate in McConnell’s performance. “If Trump had won the election, Mitch would not be jumping ship,” he noted. “But the fact is Trump lost, and his coup failed. And that opened an escape hatch for Mitch.” Browning warned, however, that “the McConnell wing was ready to embrace Trump’s usurping of democracy—if Trump could pull it off.”

If McConnell does vote to convict Trump of high crimes and misdemeanors, it won’t be the first time that, out of political convenience, he has turned on his party’s leader. In 1973, when McConnell was an ambitious young lawyer, he wrote an op-ed in the Louisville Courier-Journal which referred to Richard Nixon’s Watergate scandal and denounced the corrupting influence of political money. Given McConnell’s later embrace of unregulated political funds, it may seem hard to square the author of that high-minded piece with the McConnell of today. But what remains consistent is that then, as now, he was acting in his self-interest. He later confessed to a biographer that the newspaper column was merely “playing for headlines.” McConnell was planning to run for office, as a Republican, and one thing was certain: he needed to protect himself from the stain of a disgraced President. 

It certainly appears to me that they are going to come together to vote against impeachment on procedural grounds. It’s the cowardly way out but will probably appease their rabid base because they don’t know any better.

As far as McConnell, he can make soaring speeches denouncing Trump every day until he drops dead and it won’t change a thing. He is one of Trump’s most important collaborators who protected him throughout his ignominious reign. He can’t erase that stain. And the truth is that McConnell’s stain on the Senate and the nation is even bigger than that.

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