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The latest from Jonathan Swan on the Final Days is juicy. It’s about the breakdown in the relationship between Trump and Pence:

“The end is coming, Donald.”

The male voice in the TV ad boomed through the White House residence during “Fox & Friends” commercial breaks. Over and over and over. “The end is coming, Donald. … On Jan. 6, Mike Pence will put the nail in your political coffin.“

The Lincoln Project, the anti-Trump PAC dedicated to pissing off the president with viral commercials, was back in his head with their voodoo.

President Trump, furious, told his vice president to send the Lincoln Project gang a cease-and-desist letter. In reality, this would only have further delighted Trump’s tormentors and provided ammo for another ad. Marc Short, chief of staff to Mike Pence, consulted officials on the Trump campaign. Their advice: Just ignore it.

The idea for the ad had popped into Steve Schmidt’s head when he woke onthe morning of Dec. 2. Schmidt was a former Republican strategist who had renounced the party and dedicated himself to its destruction after Trump’s ascent.

Schmidt was also a co-founder of the Lincoln Project, which counted amongst its activists lawyer George Conway, a prolific troller of Trump on Twitter and the husband of former White House counselor Kellyanne Conway.

“There’s zero fucking chance Trump knows what happens on Jan. 6,” Schmidt told ex-GOP strategist Rick Wilson and other Lincoln Project members on a team conference call at 11 a.m. later that morning. “Oh my God,” Wilson responded, bursting into laughter. “There’s no way he does.”

By law, on Jan. 6, the House and Senate would meet in a joint session of Congress to formally count the results of the Electoral College, and it would be the vice president’s job, in his role as president of the Senate, to declare Joe Biden the winner.

By that afternoon, the Lincoln Project had finalized a 70-word script and shipped it to their lawyers. A cut of the commercial was ready early the next day, and by Dec. 10 the 38-second spot would hit the air. They made a cheap booking for Fox News shows running in the D.C. market.

Their target audience of one lived at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue.

After the Electoral College met on Dec. 14 to affirm Biden’s victory, some West Wing officials hoped the president would finally acknowledge reality. Short knew that if he didn’t, it was only a matter of time before Trump set his sights on Pence.

Trump had been fed more and more disinformation that the vice president had the power to reengineer the Electoral College vote. With a last gasp, he seized this confected idea and blew life into it.

Pence, who had dutifully defended Trump during the countless scandals of the past four years, had done his part to support Trump’s election fraud challenges while keeping a distance from the more outlandish conspiracies pushed by the likes of Rudy Giuliani, Sidney Powell and crackpots who had the president’s ear.

But it was increasingly clear that Trump was going to test the most loyal foot soldier in his inner circle on Jan. 6, when the Constitution required the vice president to preside over a joint session of Congress to certify the Electoral College results.

By Christmas, Trump had made it clear to Pence that he wanted him to object. Pence demurred, explaining that the vice president’s role in the process was largely ceremonial but that his general counsel Greg Jacob would look into it.

Trump’s outside lawyers were filling his mind with junk legal theories about Pence’s constitutional authorities. One of those lawyers was Mark Martin, a former chief justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court who’d become dean of the law school at Regent University in Virginia Beach. Trump urged Pence to listen to Martin during a three-way conference call.

Also involved was White House trade adviser Peter Navarro, who was publicly claiming Pence could stand in the way of Biden taking office. This was what Trump wanted to hear, and it turned him ever harder against the vice president and the legal sticklers on his staff.

Short responded dryly to Navarro’s claims, telling the Wall Street Journal: “Peter Navarro is many things. He is not a constitutional scholar.”

The battle for control of the president’s mind and a parallel struggle over the Constitution brought out warriors on both sides of this unprecedented theater of war inside the White House.

It brought out, too, a healthy dose of prayer for celestial counsel and wisdom from the deeply religious vice president and his senior team as they struggled through the mess. Some of them would soon find themselves in the crosshairs of Trump’s disciples.

After Navarro convinced Trump that Short had turned Pence against him, Trump told aides Short was no longer welcome in the West Wing. Pence’s team, meanwhile, was aggravated that White House chief of staff Mark Meadows appeared to do little to stop the flow of bad information to the president. Rather than act as gatekeeper, Meadows seemed to find ever more crazies to stick in front of the president.

Then, on Dec. 28, Trump ally Congressman Louie Gohmert sued Pence in federal court as part of a bizarre and futile bid to force him to discard Biden’s electors.

Pence’s office suspected that Trump himself had encouraged Gohmert. Days later, Trump called Pence to express surprise after learning that his own Justice Department had intervened in the vice president’s defense.

On a couple of occasions, Short approached Meadows to ask for his advice. Trump’s pressure campaign was growing more desperate, spilling into public view, and the vice-president’s office wanted Meadows’ help in heading off a foreseeable but mounting disaster. Meadows sheepishly responded that expectations for Pence had grown high. He said they needed to “figure that out.” He seemed reluctant to rein things in.

Trump’s floundering campaign to overturn the results of Nov. 3had reached its most obsessive stage. The president’s viewfinder was the same one that had served him well in his days as a combative and flamboyant New York property developer: The deal is the steal and the steal is the deal. If you’re not with me, you’re against me.

In his final weeks, the president had increasingly come to view his inner circle of loyalists as a bunch of weaklings and quitters.

The mild-mannered White House counsel Pat Cipollone, a voice of restraint in the Oval Office and the architect of Trump’s impeachment defense last year, was routinely finding himself in animated debates with the president.

Attorney General Bill Barr, long regarded as the most loyal member of the Cabinet, had left after refusing to endorse Trump’s claims of widespread voter fraud.

On the evening of Jan. 4, with only two days until the votes for Biden were certified, Trump had another stab at changing the vice president’s mind, wheeling in yet another of his outside experts.

“You know Mike, he’s a really respected constitutional lawyer,” the president insisted from behind the Resolute Desk. “You should really hear him out.”

Trump was referring to John Eastman, a conservative attorney and one of several fringe voices claiming that the vice president had the power to derail the Electoral College certification process.

Outside on the South Lawn, Marine One hummed, waiting to take the president to Joint Base Andrews. From there, Air Force One would whisk him to Georgia to rally for the following day’s Senate runoff elections.

Earlier, Short had told Meadows that Pence would agree to meet with Eastman before the Jan. 6 joint session, but that he didn’t want a “cast of characters” like Giuliani to attend. Meadows agreed and Giuliani was proscribed, for that meeting at least.

Now Eastman was seated in front of Trump — along with Pence and several other senior officials. Pence patiently and deliberately cross-examined Eastman about his legal theory, which effectively argued the vice president had unilateral authority to send electors back to state legislatures if they believed there was unconstitutional fraud.

One example cited was from 1801, when Thomas Jefferson counted electors from Georgia in his favor after the certificate he was presented with was defective.

But the theory was bunk, in Team Pence’s firm view. Nobody had disputed that Jefferson had won Georgia, and the 12th Amendment passed three years later made the entire precedent moot. Moreover, in 1887, the Electoral Count Act was passed to clarify this even further.

If Thomas Jefferson could do it, then Mike Pence could do it, the fringe advisers were telling the president. But Pence’s own legal advisers were telling him those ideas were rubbish, and that there were 150 years of legal precedent to say so.

Eastman cited another example from 1961, when Hawaii sent multiple slates of electors to Congress due to a late recount that flipped the state’s narrow margin from red to blue. In this instance, unlike in 2020, both slates were certified, and no one objected to Nixon magnanimously counting the Democratic electors for John F. Kennedy, who was the clear winner.

In essence, Pence’s staff believed Eastman was advocating for a maximalist position that no serious conservative could support — the monarchical idea that one man could overturn a U.S. election. Eastman disputed this characterization, telling Axios that he was simply advocating for Pence to delay the certification for a few days so that state legislatures could review the election.

Trump would not give up. Later that night in a rally in Dalton, Georgia,ahead of the Senate runoffs, he told a crowd of rowdy supporters: “I hope Mike Pence comes through for us, I have to tell you … He’s a great guy. Of course, if he doesn’t come through, I won’t like him quite as much.”

Across the state in the small town of Milner, Pence told his own crowd gathered in a church: “I promise you, come this Wednesday, we’ll have our day in Congress, we’ll hear the objections, we’ll hear the evidence.”

Trump called Pence late morning on Jan. 6 to take one last shot at bullying the vice president into objecting to the certification of Biden’s victory.

As Pence rode to the U.S. Capitol to preside over the joint session of Congress, Trump addressed his fateful rally at the Ellipse. “If Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the election. … He has the absolute right to do it,” Trump said.

“All Vice President Pence has to do is send it back to the states to recertify, and we become president, and you are the happiest people,” Trump declared as he whipped up the crowd. “After this, we’re going to walk down and I’ll be there with you,” Trump shouted — falsely as it turned out, as he had no intention of marching with the mob.

He amped things up a bit more in what many now point to as evidence of incitement: “You have to show strength, and you have to be strong.”

While Trump was speaking, Pence released a long statement acknowledging the inevitable: He did not have the constitutional authority to carry out Trump’s wishes. And he would uphold his oath.

Then the pro-Trump mob took off to breach the Capitol, hell-bent on blocking the vote. As they ransacked the building, some rioters were heard chanting: “Hang Mike Pence!”

Pence and his family were evacuated from the Senate chamber and taken to a secure site, where the vice president remained for hours. Trump, sequestered in his private dining room to watch the TV coverage, placed no calls to check on Pence’s safety.

As late as 2:42 p.m., the president was still tweeting abuse against the man who had pledged his loyalty more strenuously than any other politician over the past four years. “Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution,” Trump announced on Twitter, shortly before Twitter threw him off.

Some Republican allies, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, would not speak to Trump again after what unfolded at the Capitol. McConnell would point the finger at Trump.

But not Pence. After all the bullying, the abuse, the Twitter tirades, the calls to violence, Pence assessed his options. He’d stood with Trump — not complaining, not explaining — through the four years. He was a vehement conservative, more ideologue than transactional. He’d broken with Trump on this one matter — the sanctity of democratically held elections — and he still had other fish to fry.

Five days later, Pence broke the silence, meeting again with Trump on Jan. 11 in the Oval Office. They’d visit again in person on Jan. 14 and on a call on Jan. 15. But on the eve of the transfer of power, Pence’s team made clear he’d not be able to attend Trump’s final sendoff at Joint Base Andrews, choosing instead to attend Biden’s swearing in.

Many believe Pence intends to run for president in 2024. He is likely to preserve his bridge to Trump beyond Jan. 20, at least long enough to understand whether it’s needed — or not.

Pence is on a rehabilitation tour and many members of the press are all too ready to help him with that. Beware. He is Trump’s number one collaborator, never forget it.

The latest in the Axios report on The Final Days:

On Air Force One, President Trump was in a mood. He had been clear he did not want to return to Georgia, and yet somehow he’d been conscripted into another rally on the night of Jan. 4.

If both David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler — the two embattled Georgia senators he was campaigning for — lost their runoff elections the following day, the GOP would lose control of the U.S. Senate. And Trump did not want the blood of Georgia on his hands.

The TV in the plane’s conference room was set to Fox News, with the sound off. As the screen showed footage of supporters filling up the Dalton, Georgia, rally space, Trump’s spirits lifted briefly. “Look at that crowd,” he mused.

Then Fox shifted to an interview with Georgia’s Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger — whom Trump loathed for refusing to deny Joe Biden’s win or validate myths about fraud. The president’s disgust set back in. “What a horrible, incompetent guy,” he growled.

The day before, the Washington Post had published an extraordinary recording of Trump’s phone call pressuring Raffensperger, a Republican, to “find” 11,780 votes to overturn the results of the election in Georgia. Trump had accused Raffensperger of a “criminal offense.”

Loeffler and Perdue had been desperate to get Trump to return to Georgia. They’d backed his 11th-hour demands for $2,000 stimulus checks, an about-face for the two multimillionaire conservatives.

In return for an enthusiastic Trump at the rally, Loeffler submitted to an even greater concession: She agreed to join other Trump loyalists in voting against the Electoral College results certification which was coming up on Jan. 6 — the day after the Georgia runoffs. It was a decision she would reverse once rioters stormed the Capitol.

The situation in Georgia was fraught. Establishment Republicans feared Trump’s volatile denunciation of top state election officials would depress turnout.

In a series of phone calls through early and mid-November, the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, had tried to impress upon Trump just how high the stakes were for the Georgia runoffs. McConnell’s pitch was direct and unvarnished: We need these wins to protect all the progress we’ve made on a range of issues, he warned. Trump’s own legacy was on the ballot.

But the president wasn’t hearing it. He would immediately derail these conversations with McConnell by ranting about the stolen election and his conspiracies of fraud.

Before the flight, Trump was briefed on turnout scenarios. Republicans anticipated correctly that Democrats would dominate the early Georgia vote, but they underestimated how big the Democrats’ turnout would also be on Jan. 5 itself. Republicans believed 900,000 Election Day voters would put them in a decent position to win the runoffs and that anything over 1 million was golden. They were wrong.

Trump’s growing congressional conspiracy caucus had a high-profile member on Air Force One that day. Joining the aides and family members who usually accompanied the president was the recently sworn-in Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, who had gained national notoriety for her past QAnon support and whose district included Dalton.

Also aboard were two key allies — Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Club for Growth president David McIntosh, a former Indiana congressman who co-founded the Federalist Society and had studied law under the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia.

They sat around the long table in the conference room in brown leather chairs, served quinoa salad with roasted chicken before waiters brought in macarons. Graham asked instead for his standing dessert order when flying on Air Force One: strawberries and cream.

The president came down when they were finished eating and stood at the head of the table, where he chatted with them for most of the flight. Graham and McIntosh, who had exchanged strategy notes before the flight, tried to shake him out of his mood.

“Look — if they win, you’ll be vindicated,” McIntosh said, pleading with Trump to offer a full-throated endorsement of Loeffler and Perdue. “Everyone knows that if they win, you’ll get the credit for putting them over the top. And it’ll show that in an election where they don’t cheat, Republicans win.”

Trump disagreed: “No, they won’t, David. They’ll blame me if we lose. But if we win, they won’t give me the credit.”

Graham tried another tactic: “This is about your legacy, Mr. President.”

“We’ve got to win these so that the Democrats can’t unwind your legacy on everything from the courts to the economic policies to your work with China,” Graham insisted.

At one point in the flight, Trump pulled McIntosh into his private office cabin to sign an autograph for McIntosh’s personal trainer, an avid supporter of the president. McIntosh tried to open a conversation about the future. “Mr. President, you know, if it doesn’t turn out…”

Trump interrupted, by asking: “What do you think my odds are?” — referring, 62 days after the election, to his chances of serving a second term. McIntosh leveled, “It doesn’t look great, sir.” Trump agreed, “Yeah, that’s probably right.”

“Mr. President, if it doesn’t work out, will you run again?” McIntosh asked. Trump’s response was a rare and transitory blip from his usual strident pose. “Yeah, I’m thinking about that,” he said. “But you know, I’m going to be four years older.”

In Dalton, Trump stepped out onto the stage with his wife, pointing, smiling, waving, and clapping, as Lee Greenwood’s “God Bless the U.S.A.” blared. He was in his element, and the crowd went wild.

Less than 48 hours after Trump’s Georgia rally, both races had been called for the Democrats, Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff. The Republicans had lost control of the Senate.

Trump was right that everyone would blame him. After all, he had spent months puncturing confidence in the voting system, turning his fire on Georgia’s own GOP leadership, and obsessing over states that he had lost fair and square.

He had allowed outsiders and conspiracists to supplant the professionals around him. He had fed a national sense of mistrust, rage and despair. Georgia was the last state where Trump would take his stand.

He was about to incinerate his legacy. Within 24 hours, the feral ground troops the president had summoned to execute his fantasy of overturning the election would storm the steps of the U.S. Capitol.

You could tell his heart wasn’t really in it.

I am not convinced that Trump won’t run again. His comments about being too old sound like Trump being momentarily down rather than something he actually believes. After all, Biden will be the same age as Biden is today — and Biden will still be four years older. A lot depends on his health, of course, and nobody really knows where we’ll be in four years. But I believe he’ll pull himself together in a few weeks and decide that being in politics is the best way to protect himself from prosecution and raise money, if nothing else.

The Republicans will scream bloody murder about “political retribution” is Trump if prosecuted at any level of government regardless, but it will be a cacophony if he’s running. So being a candidate will create pressure and possibly help him with that. And the money part is obvious. If he’s still in politics he has the capacity to raise a ton of it. If he’s just some kibbitzer on the sidelines, not so much.

So, we’ll see…

It looks like Rudy’s going to turn the Impeachment into a three ring Trumpian circus:

President Donald Trump’s personal attorney Rudy Giuliani tells ABC News he’s working as part of the president’s defense team in his upcoming second impeachment trial — and that he’s prepared to argue that the president’s claims of widespread voter fraud did not constitute incitement to violence because the widely-debunked claims are true.

A few hours later, Giuliani — who led the president’s efforts to overturn the 2020 election results — was spotted at the White House.

Giuliani’s involvement in Trump’s impeachment defense comes as many of the lawyers involved in the president’s first impeachment, including White House counsel Pat Cipollone and his deputies and outside lawyers Jay Sekulow and Jane and Marty Raskin, do not plan to return for the second trial.

Along with Trump, Giuliani spoke at the Jan. 6 rally ahead of the Capitol attack, where he urged the crowd to engage in “trial by combat.” Five people, including a Capitol Police officer, died when pro-Trump supporters marched to the Capitol following the rally and forced their way into the building in an effort to keep members of Congress from certifying the presidential election for president-elect Joe Biden.MORE: Longtime Trump advisers connected to groups behind rally that led to Capitol attack

Giuliani said there are “different opinions” regarding how the president should approach his second impeachment.

The former New York City mayor said that in his defense of the president, he would introduce allegations of widespread voter fraud that have been raised — and rejected — in dozens of courtrooms across the country.

“They basically claimed that anytime [Trump] says voter fraud, voter fraud — or I do, or anybody else — we’re inciting to violence; that those words are fighting words because it’s totally untrue,” he said. “Well, if you can prove that it’s true, or at least true enough so it’s a legitimate viewpoint, then they are no longer fighting words.”

In a series of court cases following the election, Giuliani and pro-Trump attorney Sidney Powell alleged, unsuccessfully, that an array of forces from voting machine manufacturers to poll workers had plotted to steal the election from Trump despite Biden’s victory in the Electoral College as well as the popular vote.

Regarding impeachment, Giuliani also said that he personally believed Trump should move to dismiss the trial outright.

“If they decide to bring it to a trial, he should move to dismiss the impeachment as entirely illegal. That it was the only impeachment ever done in what, two days, three days,” Giuliani told ABC News. “We would say to the court, ‘You are now permitting in the future, basically in two days, the Congress can just impeach on anything they want to.”

In an historic move last week, the House of Representatives voted to impeach Trump, with all Democrats along with 10 Republican members voting to charge the president with inciting supporters to storm the U.S. Capitol.

“The president of the United States incited this insurrection, this armed rebellion, against our common country. He must go,” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., said on the House floor. “He is a clear and present danger to the nation that we all love.”

Rep. Liz Cheney, the No. 3 Republican in House leadership, was among the 10 Republicans who voted to charge the president. Cheney issued a scathing statement condemning the president’s actions ahead of the vote, writing, “The president of the United States summoned this mob, assembled the mob, and lit the flame of this attack. Everything that followed was his doing. None of this would have happened without the president.”

Giuliani dismissed the validity of the single article of impeachment accusing Trump of inciting violence against the government on the grounds that the president’s rally speech did not incite the riot because there was a delay between the speech and the attack.

“Basically, if [incitement] is going to happen, it’s got to happen right away,” he said. “You’d have to have people running out, you’d have to have people running out of that frozen speech, right up to the Capitol. And that’s basically, incitement,” Giuliani said.

If the effort to dismiss the impeachment article fails, which is likely, Giuliani said he wouldn’t rule out the president testifying. Trump’s lawyers were opposed to him testifying during his first impeachment trial, but Giuliani says this situation is different and the impeachment defense is “much more straightforward.”

“You always make that decision at the last minute,” Giuliani said. “As a lawyer, I wouldn’t be as strongly opposed to his testifying as I was then.”

Sources close to the president had recently told ABC News that Trump had been increasingly irritated with Giuliani and had not been taking his calls, but he now appears still very much involved in the discussions about how to handle the impeachment trial.

One of the big remaining questions about Trump’s final days in office is what pardons he may issue and if he will attempt to pardon himself, something Trump has told advisers he would like to do even though no president has ever done so. White House Counsel Pat Cipollone has advised Trump against a self-pardon, in part because he does not think such a pardon would hold up in court, according to sources familiar with the conversations.MORE: Pelosi declines to say when she will send impeachment article to Senate

Giuliani declined to say what advice he has given the president about pardoning himself, but he told ABC News that his personal opinion is that it’s perfectly justified.

“I think any lawyer would have to tell you there’s nothing in the Constitution that permits it. There’s nothing in the Constitution that prohibits it. The plain language of the Constitution doesn’t limit who we can pardon,” Giuliani said. “Do I think there’s justification for it because of the atmosphere we are in? Practical justification? Absolutely.”

Giuliani dismissed concerns of some Trump advisers that a self-pardon would make Trump more vulnerable to future civil lawsuits because it would be seen as an admission of guilt.

“I mean his legal life’s gonna be complicated no matter what,” Giuliani told ABC News. “Maybe because I’m more of a criminal lawyer than a civil lawyer, I’d much rather have my civil life complicated than my criminal life.”

Last night Brian Williams said “Big corps don’t like to be associated with seditionists.”
He was talking about the corporations who have suspended donations to any member of Congress who objected to the certification of the Electoral College vote. This campaign got going when Judd Legum and his new publication Popular Information made some calls.

Popular Information contacted 144 corporations that, through their corporate PACs, donated to one or more of these eight Senators in the 2020 election cycle. Popular Information asked if they would continue to support these Senators in the future. In response, three major companies said they would stop donating to any member of Congress who objected to the certification of the Electoral College vote.

Major corporations say they will stop donating to members of Congress who tried to overturn the election
– Jan 10, 2021 by Judd Legum and Tesnim Zekeria

1. BREAKING

3 major corporations say they'll stop donating to members of Congress who tried to overturn the election

BlueCross BlueShield (@BCBSAssociation)

Marriott (@MarriottIntl)@CommerceBank

Follow along for more on these 3 plus 141 other corpshttps://t.co/r4Z4TjJUCe

— Judd Legum (@JuddLegum) January 10, 2021

I jumped on this as soon as I saw it and applied it to Nebraska Rep. Adrian Smith. I looked up his donations from the first 4 corporations listed at OpenSecrets.org and alerted the local media in Nebraska.

@BCBSAssociation & @Citi will stop donating to any member of Congress who objected to the certification of the Electoral College vote.
That's @RepAdrianSmith District 3 Nebraska.@KSNBLocal4, @NTVNEWS, @fredmknapp @RutaUlcinaite @1011_News, @WOWT6News https://t.co/nBdMQgWaZe pic.twitter.com/L57vexSZG2

— Spocko (@spockosbrain) January 12, 2021

Then as more corps were added I started looking up if he got donations from any of them.

232-197 to impeach!
Now match the 197 GOP House members who voted against impeachment with the 120 who objected to certify Biden as president.https://t.co/fnWyyeYpVz
People who objected to certify Biden are losing funding. Latest @comcast @Walmart @Visa @Nike @intel @Disney https://t.co/iT0TE1K1Rd

— Spocko (@spockosbrain) January 13, 2021

If you want to get involved here are some steps that you can take.

1) Find out who is on the list of people who voted to object to the certification of the Electoral College vote:

The long list of Republicans who voted to reject election results (The Guardian LINK)

2) See which corporations have already pulled money
Major corporations say they will stop donating to members of Congress who tried to overturn the election

Popular Information has an updated list. (Popular Information LINK )

3) Go to OpenSecrets.org
Search for the corporation that has pulled money. For example, Blue Cross Blue Shield
Then click recipients tab.
Scroll down to ALL RECIPIENTS and type in a name from the Sedition Caucus list.

I used Smith, Adrian from District 3 in Nebraska. It’s a Big Red district, in more ways than one here is how they have voted in the last four Presidential elections.
2008 President John McCain 69% – Barack Obama 30%
2012 President Mitt Romney 70% – Barack Obama 28%
2016 President Donald Trump 74% – Hillary Clinton 20%

2020 President Donald Trump 75% – Joe Biden 22%

Smith might see the polling that the 51% of Republicans Think Trump Deserves No Blame For Capitol Riots. But i’m thinking that if we polled the people in the corporations that are giving money they would NOT be holding the same views.

Do this for each cycle (2012-2020) You can either do a screenshot or export to a spreadsheet to keep track.

4) Facebook or Tweet this info to your friends and the local media.

5) Repeat for as many corps/ seditionists you can. (If you want to cross check to see if they voted against impeachment too here is how to check with the Clerk’s office.)

6) Call corporations that have NOT pulled their support yet.
Here is a tool from my friends at Color of Change.
Tell These Major Corporations To Suspend Republican Donations!
LINK

If you WORK at a corporation that has not spoken up yet, you can contact Judd Legum @juddlugum to see what the status is and perhaps help the executives see the problems with them tainting their brand by associating with seditionists.

“You cannot overstate the consternation by lawmakers about fund-raising drying up,” said a former senior Trump administration official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations with Republican lawmakers.

Pressure Mounts on Republicans to Buck Trump Amid Impeachment Battle

I suggest focusing on people with connections to you and be very specific. I chose Nebraska because I have friends there. I chose Blue Cross Blue Shield because they were a big donor to Smith and the health insurance industry is very powerful.

Have an impact? Expect a Backlash!

I wasn’t surprised by the number of Republicans elected officials who STILL voted to object to certifying Biden and kept the lies about the election going.

This is because they faced no financial consequences for doing so. They read the polling and a big percent of their voters still believed the lies that there was massive voter fraud.
But as I’ve demonstrated over the years with right wing media is that in America’s market-based system to really put pressures on people to change, you have to look into where they get their money. Who do they get it from & what do THOSE people care about?

If you can show the money suppliers that associating with violent rhetoric and the people who spout it taints their brand, they WILL leave.

Show more corporations that associating with the politicians who are still supporting lies and violent rhetoric taints their brands.

Here is what to expect from the seditionist politicians

They will:
1) Deny they are spewing violent rhetoric
2) Whine. “They are attacking us for our speech! I was just asking questions!”
3) Attack the people who point out their violent rhetoric and support of lies to the corporations.
(Only a few will attack the actual corporations that pulled the money)
4) Double down on their support for Trump while whining about being a victim 
However, SOME will finally
5) Change their behavior

Be aware that those that do change their behavior will say that it had NOTHING to do with the loss of funding. They will talk about how they get death threats from their own people. (Which is terrible and we should encourage them to ask the FBI to investigate so people can be arrested for doing it.)

The right wing knows that death threats work. On their side threats of criminal prosecution have been blocked or lessened by failure to prosecute crimes. So for many of these politicians, financial threats are the most powerful. Unless they have one of the 63 billionaires behind them that Trump had, they WILL respond to the loss of legitimate corporate money.

They will be looking for an excuse/reason that they stopped with their sedition. They will talk about unity, lowering the temperature and demanding that the Democrats reach out to them. Some will want to be part of the New Republican Party that the MSM really is desperate to make happen.

The bottom line is that the loss of corporate money is what will give them the excuse to publicly walk away from the Trump craziness. Let’s help make it happen.

This is actually good news. The GOP is splitting:

Republicans across the U.S. are siding with President Trump over Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell — big time — according to a new Axios-Ipsos poll.

 A majority of Republicans still think Trump was right to challenge his election loss, support him, don’t blame him for the Capitol mob and want him to be the Republican nominee in 2024.

The survey shows why Trump could run again in 2024 (and possibly win) if he isn’t convicted — or banned from holding federal office — by the Senate. It also shows the peril and opportunity for institutionalists like McConnell trying to reclaim the GOP.

In addition, it helps explain why a majority of House Republicans voted against certifying the election, and against impeachment.

There’s a deep schism in the GOP, with a 56% majority considering themselves “traditional” Republicans and 36% calling themselves Trump Republicans.

The two groups hold widely different views on removing the president from office, contesting the election and the future of the party. But the Trump Republicans behave with far more unity and intensity.

Just 1% of Trump Republicans — versus about one-in-four traditional Republicans — think Trump should be removed from office.

Traditional Republicans are split over whether the party is better because of Trump; 96% of Trump Republicans say it is.

Trump Republicans are more than twice as likely as traditional Republicans to want him as their 2024 nominee and twice as likely to support the protesters.

Traditional Republicans are five times as likely to disapprove of the president’s behavior.

 The Trump Republicans are still large enough of a group to either stay and dominate primary politics or walk away if Trump is cast out, which would weaken the GOP’s force posture against Democrats.

“The monopoly Trump’s had on the Republican base for the last four years is a little more frayed than any time in recent history,” said pollster Chris Jackson, senior vice president for Ipsos Public Affairs. “A substantial chunk doesn’t necessarily think their future goes with Donald Trump.

“The big question is, is having a small-but-committed base going to be more valuable than a large-but-less-committed base?”

The media are falling all over themselves with excitement! McConnell thinks impeachment may be a good idea! Liz Cheney, one of the most extreme right-wingers in Congress, says she’ll impeach. Woo hoo!

Do I really need to point out the patently obvious?

Republicans aren’t supporting impeachment because Trump incited an insurrection. They’re doing so because the insurrection failed. If that mob had actually succeeded in derailing the Biden certification vote not a single Republican congressperson would dare call for his impeachment.

But let’s be overly generous and give both Mitch and Liz a widdle pat on the head. You’re being such good kids! Now get the hell out of the way.

Fawning over these prodigal sons and daughters by permitting them to hog the limelight right now rehabilitates them and provides them status— and that is dangerous. These are enablers who, until Trump failed, did not do much more than voice the mildest of peeps (if that)

The people we really need to focus on right now are Adam Schiff, Gerald Nadler, Katie Porter, Madeleine Albright, AOC, Ilhan Omar, Eric Swalwell, Alexander Vindman, Fiona Hill, and so many others across the political spectrum who recognized early and consistently that Trump was an existential threat and did something about it.

After lying about a speech in which he encouraged rioters, Trump pivots to whataboutism, says "if you look at what other people have said — politicians at a high level — about the riots during the summer, the horrible riots in Portland and Seattle … that was a real problem." pic.twitter.com/kciarq1Nm0

— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) January 12, 2021

I feel confident that the person he’s referencing who looked at what he said and concluded that it was fine is Rudy Giuliani and possibly some other MAGA lawyers. He’s reportedly terrified that he’s going to be prosecuted. I don’t know if that’s true (I hope so) but I would bet money he’s going to be personally sued by some of the victims of that insurrection. And it could cost him a whole lot of money.

This is just grotesque:

Trump on impeachment: "For Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer to continue on this path, I think it's causing tremendous danger to our county and it's causing tremendous anger. I want no violence." pic.twitter.com/YfHnaogOql

— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) January 12, 2021

Don’t make me hurt you again…

Brian Kilmeade again says Dems shouldn't pursue impeachment because Republicans are threatening mass violence

"We see what's happening around this country, how 50 state houses are being threatened on Inauguration Day, this is the last thing you want to do" pic.twitter.com/LS1DOfEWkR

— Lis Power (@LisPower1) January 12, 2021

What he really means is that the country should bend the knee to these violent thugs and give them everything they want because they are very upset they didn’t get their way. I wonder if Kilmeade felt that way about the terrorists on 9/11. I doubt it. But then on 9/11 he didn’t identify with the terrorists.

Here are the “appropriate” words the president spoke before he sent his crowd down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol:

Trump urged his supporters to ‘fight much harder’ against ‘bad people’ and ‘show strength’ at the Capitol.

“Republicans are constantly fighting like a boxer with his hands tied behind his back. It’s like a boxer. And we want to be so nice. We want to be so respectful of everybody, including bad people. And we’re going to have to fight much harder. …

“We’re going to walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators and congressmen and women, and we’re probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them, because you’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength, and you have to be strong.”

The president’s speech was riddled with violent imagery and calls to fight harder than before. By contrast, he made only a passing suggestion that the protest should be nonviolent, saying, “I know that everyone here will soon be marching over to the Capitol building to peacefully and patriotically make your voices heard.”FRANK BRUNI: A less conventional take on politics, cultural milestones and more from Frank Bruni.Sign Up

During Mr. Trump’s impeachment last year, one of his defenses was that the primary accusation against him — that he abused his power by withholding aid to Ukraine in an attempt to get its president to announce a corruption investigation into Mr. Biden — was not an ordinary crime, so it did not matter even if it were true. Most legal specialists said that made no difference for impeachment purposes, but in any case that argument would not be a defense here. Several laws clearly make it a crime to incite a riot or otherwise try to get another person to engage in a violent crime against property or people.

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Trump told the crowd that ‘very different rules’ applied.

“When you catch somebody in a fraud, you are allowed to go by very different rules. So I hope Mike has the courage to do what he has to do, and I hope he doesn’t listen to the RINOs and the stupid people that he’s listening to.”

Whipping up anger against Republicans who were not going along with his plan for subverting the election, like Vice President Mike Pence, Mr. Trump told the crowd that “different rules” now applied. At the most obvious level, the president was arguing that what he wanted Mr. Pence to do — reject the state-certified Electoral College results — would be legitimate, but the notion of “very different rules” applying carried broader overtones of extraordinary permission as well. (“RINO” is a term of abuse used by highly partisan Republicans against more moderate colleagues they deem to be “Republicans in Name Only.”)

Trump insinuated that Republican officials, including Pence, would endanger themselves by accepting Biden’s win.

“I hope Mike is going to do the right thing. I hope so. I hope so, because if Mike Pence does the right thing, we win the election. … And I actually — I just spoke to Mike. I said: ‘Mike, that doesn’t take courage. What takes courage is to do nothing. That takes courage.’”

“I also want to thank our 13 most courageous members of the U.S. Senate, Senator Ted Cruz, Senator Ron Johnson, Senator Josh Hawley. … Senators have stepped up. We want to thank them. I actually think, though, it takes, again, more courage not to step up, and I think a lot of those people are going to find that out. And you better start looking at your leadership, because your leadership has led you down the tubes.”

Mr. Trump twice told the crowd that Republicans who did not go along with his effort to overturn the election — Mr. Pence as well as senators like Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, who did not join in the performative objections led by Mr. Hawley and Mr. Cruz — were actually the ones being courageous. In context, the president’s implication is that they were putting themselves at risk because it would be safer to go along with what he wanted. During the ensuing riot, the mob chanted “Hang Mike Pence.”

Trump suggested that he wanted his supporters to stop the certification of Biden’s electoral win, not just protest it.

“We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen. You don’t concede when there’s theft involved. Our country has had enough. We will not take it anymore, and that is what this is all about. And to use a favorite term that all of you people really came up with, we will stop the steal. …

“You will have an illegitimate president. That is what you will have, and we can’t let that happen. These are the facts that you won’t hear from the fake news media. It’s all part of the suppression effort. They don’t want to talk about it. They don’t want to talk about it. …

“We fight like hell, and if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.”

Two months after he lost the election, Mr. Trump repeatedly told his followers that they could still stop Mr. Biden from becoming president if they “fight like hell,” a formulation that suggested they act and change things, not merely raise their voices in protest.

As he dispatched his supporters into what became deadly chaos, Trump falsely told them that he would come, too.

Now it is up to Congress to confront this egregious assault on our democracy. And after this, we’re going to walk down, and I’ll be there with you.… We are going to the Capitol, and we are going to try and give — the Democrats are hopeless, they are never voting for anything, not even one vote, but we are going to try — give our Republicans, the weak ones, because the strong ones don’t need any of our help, we’re try — going to try and give them the kind of pride and boldness that they need to take back our country.”

As he sicced his supporters on Congress, Mr. Trump assured them that he would personally accompany them to the Capitol. In fact, as several of his followers and police officers were being injured or dying in the ensuing chaos, the president was watching the violence play out on television from the safety of the White House.

As long as corporations, banks and wealthy individuals thought Trump was the frontrunner for the 2024 they were willing to continue currying favor with him. He promised to be a powerful political force for some time to come and it made sense to stay on his good side. Apparently his latest atrocity changed their minds:

In the span of four days, President Trump’s family business has lost its online store, the buzz from Mr. Trump’s promotional tweets about its luxury resorts and bragging rights as host to one of the world’s most prestigious golf tournaments.

The mob attack on Congress last week by Mr. Trump’s supporters has spurred a reckoning for the Trump Organization by businesses and institutions, at a scale far greater than his previous polarizing actions.

And the Trump brand, premised on gold-plated luxury and a super-affluent clientele, may not fully recover from the fallout of his supporters violently storming and vandalizing the U.S. Capitol, hospitality analysts say and some people close to the business acknowledge. Other companies linked with the Trumps, including Deutsche Bank, the president’s largest lender, and Signature Bank, are also seeking distance from him and his business.

The backlash is part of a broader shunning of Mr. Trump and his allies unfolding in the wake of the deadly assault on the Capitol. Schools stripped the president of honorary degrees, some prominent Republicans threatened to leave the party and the New York State Bar Association announced it had begun investigating Mr. Trump’s personal lawyer, Rudolph W. Giuliani, which could lead to his removal from the group.

As House Democrats introduced an article of impeachment on Monday, more than a dozen big businesses vowed to withhold certain political donations. Coca-Cola said it would pause donations from its political action committee, saying in a statement that “these events will long be remembered and will factor into our future contribution decisions.” Marriott, the giant hotel chain, said it would pause donations from its political action committee “to those who voted against certification of the election,” a reference to the congressional Republicans who joined Mr. Trump’s false claims of election fraud. Morgan Stanley and AT&T said they, too, would suspend contributions to those lawmakers.

The Trump Organization had already been facing considerable financial challenges. Many of its golf and resort properties had been losing money, and the pandemic had forced it to close some restaurants and bars and drastically reduce hotel occupancy, including at its hotel a few blocks from the White House. And with more than $300 million in debt coming due in the next few years that the president has personally guaranteed, there had been some urgency for the company to line up new deals.

While such an array of challenges would spell doom for just about any hospitality brand, executives of the Trump Organization said they planned on cashing in on Mr. Trump’s global fame with overseas branding deals.

“There has never been a political figure with more support or energy behind them than my father,” Eric Trump, the president’s son, who helps run the family business, said in a statement on Monday.

The family is also already considering starting a media outfit that would cater to Mr. Trump’s tens of millions of supporters, an effort that gained some urgency last week when Twitter and Facebook barred the president from their platforms.

“There will be no shortage of incredible opportunities in real estate and beyond,” Eric Trump said.

Before becoming president, Mr. Trump had cycled through many lines of business, including casinos, an airline and reality television. Some ventures were wildly successful, while others were colossal failures. But they revealed his ability to camouflage his wares and capitalize on opportunities, even when his name appeared irreparably tarnished.

This time, the challenges are steeper. The fallout began on Thursday, when the e-commerce provider Shopify said it had terminated online stores affiliated with the president.

The biggest blow came on Sunday, when the P.G.A. of America announced it would strip Mr. Trump’s New Jersey golf club of a major tournament.

Mr. Trump was said to be “gutted” by the P.G.A. decision, according to a person close to the White House, as he had worked personally for years to push the tournament executives to hold events at his courses.

In a statement that hinted at a potential legal challenge, the Trump Organization called the decision “a breach of a binding contract,” adding that “they have no right to terminate the agreement.”

The P.G.A. Championship, scheduled for May 2022, was the ultimate golf-world trophy for the Trump brand, which over the last two decades has assembled an international collection of golf courses and resorts that now collectively represent about a third of the company’s revenue, according to the most recent financial disclosure report.

The tournament itself is not a major source of profit, but hosting an internationally recognized event is enormously valuable for marketing. It also would have bestowed greater legitimacy on Mr. Trump and his brand, which includes 16 golf clubs around the world.

“It has become clear that conducting the P.G.A. Championship at Trump Bedminster would be detrimental to the P.G.A. of America brand,” Jim Richerson, the P.G.A. of America president, said in a video statement.

The loss associated with the cancellation is difficult to calculate, but it could be very large and last for years in terms of missed future revenues, said Jay Karen, chief executive of the National Golf Course Owners Association.

“You have millions of avid golfers who have a proverbial bucket list,” tied to major tournaments like the P.G.A. Championship, he said. “If you had a major coming to you and it was pulled from you, that would certainly sting.”

In an email to members on Monday, the golf club said, “We have had a wonderful partnership with the P.G.A. of America and share your disappointment on their decision.”

The damage is expected to continue as various companies and industries reassess their relationship with Mr. Trump and his family business.

Mr. Trump’s hotels, like the Trump National Doral near Miami, had already lost many of the major corporate conferences after he made disparaging remarks about Muslims and Mexicans, among others, during his first presidential campaign, and his comments after a deadly rally by white supremacists in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017 suggesting that “there is blame on both sides.”

But the fallout from the attacks last week will be steeper and longer lasting, analysts and people familiar with the company said. Some members of the president’s golf clubs are reassessing whether to keep their memberships because of possible protests and vandalism, one of the people said.

David J. Sangree, a hotel industry consultant from Ohio, said that Mr. Trump’s role in the attack on the Capitol would further undermine the company’s efforts to appeal to affluent customers who were not Trump supporters.

“This is a big negative,” Mr. Sangree said. “There’s no question they’re going to lose more events because many groups are saying, ‘We don’t want to be associated with this brand.’”

That became even clearer on Monday night when the New England Patriots’ coach, Bill Belichick, said he would refuse the Presidential Medal of Freedom because of the “tragic events of last week.” The president had planned to give Mr. Belichick the award on Thursday.

Even plans to launch a Trump media platform will face obstacles. If Mr. Trump seeks to forge a new conservative news network, or join an existing one like OAN or Newsmax, corporate advertisers are hardly guaranteed to support him.

“There’s only so much that My Pillow guy can subsidize,” said Jon Klein, the former president of CNN U.S., referring to Mike Lindell, the chief executive of My Pillow who is an outspoken supporter of the president. “It’s suddenly a lot more daunting a proposition than it was a week ago for OAN and Newsmax.”

What a sad, sad stort.

Apparently, the big alternative is to do a subscriber newsletter. Seriously:

Instead, Mr. Trump might find more success in generating a newsletter — embedded with a link to a streaming channel — for millions of paid subscribers, said Mr. Klein, who is chairman of TAPP Media, a subscription streaming service. “He has ignited the passions of his tribe and subscription services are all about tribalism.”

Why not? The man sold Trump steaks and bottled water. It’s not as if he really ever had a “luxury” brand. It was a celebrity brand — a C-list Celebrity brand at that.

The most important part of this is the banks allegedly not want wanting to do business with him anymore. He’s got a lot of debt he’s going to need to renegotiate very soon. At this point the only ones who may want to help him with that problem are unsavory financial institutions owned by foreign governments that may be in the market for some information an ex-president might be able to provide. Does anyone think he wouldn’t do it?

This is awful:

Rosanne Boyland, 34, was among four of President Donald Trump’s supporters who died Wednesday inside the Capitol after breaking inside to disrupt the congressional certification of Joe Biden’s win, and her family blames the president she fervently backed, reported WGCL-TV.

“Rosanne was really passionate about her beliefs like a lot of people,” said her brother-in-law Justin Cave. “I’ve never tried to be a political person, but it’s my own personal belief that the president’s words incited a riot that killed four of his biggest fans [Wednesday] night, and I believe that we should invoke the 25th Amendment at this time.”

Boyland was knocked to the ground and crushed as crowds breached the Capitol, according to Axios, and suffered a fatal medical emergency.

“As we watched these awful events unfold we hoped that Rosanne was not among the crowd,” Cave said. “Tragically she was there and it cost her life. We have little information at this time and we are waiting with the rest of the world to uncover the specifics.”

The Kennesaw woman was photographed walking Washington, D.C., streets before the breach carrying a Revolutionary War-era flag that shows a timber rattlesnake coiled and ready to strike, threatening, “Don’t tread on me.”Advertisement:

“People were in there to start stuff, but it wasn’t supposed to be a violent event,” said friend Justin Winchell. “They basically created a panic, and the police, in turn, pushed back on them, so people started falling.”

“I put my arm underneath her and was pulling her out and then another guy fell on top of her, and another guy was just walking [on top of her],” Winchell added. “There were people stacked 2-3 deep…people just crushed.”

Friends and family say Boyland had become consumed with QAnon conspiracy theories and hatred for Biden, and they lamented they’d been unable to stop her from going to Washington or obsessing about online conspiracies.

They feel a sense of belonging and purpose in the Trump cult. Of course they do. That’s how cults work. But sadly, this cult is based on solidarity with a madman in grievance and hatred.

It’s highly unlikely that many of those who participated in or sympathized with the marauding insurrectionists last Wednesday are going to admit they did anything wrong. And there are millions of them. But the first serious polling since the riot shows that there is some movement among a small subset of Republicans.

still:

Of course, that last question could mean that more Republicans are upset at the RINOs who failed to support their Dear Leader.

And this — which is way to high in my opinion:

53% of voters described themselves as “very proud” to be an American, down 10 points from a February 2018 survey.

How can we be proud to be American right now? How?

Update — Quinnipiac has a new poll too:

Following last week’s mob attack on the U.S. Capitol during a joint session of Congress to formally certify Joe Biden’s victory in the 2020 presidential election, nearly three-quarters (74 percent) of voters say democracy in the United States is under threat, according to a Quinnipiac University national poll of registered voters released today.

Just 21 percent of voters say that democracy in the United States is alive and well.

“When it comes to whether American democracy is under threat, both Republicans and Democrats see a raging five-alarm fire, but clearly disagree on who started it,” said Quinnipiac University Polling Analyst Tim Malloy.

PRESIDENT TRUMP

A majority of voters, 56 percent, say they hold President Trump responsible for the storming of the U.S. Capitol, while 42 percent say they do not hold him responsible.

A slight majority, 52 – 45 percent, say President Trump should be removed from office. Voters also say 53 – 43 percent that he should resign as president.

“A majority of Americans hold President Trump responsible for the chaos at the Capitol, and a slight majority believe that he should be removed from office,” added Malloy.

President Trump has a negative 33 – 60 percent job approval rating, which is a substantial drop from the negative 44 – 51 percent rating he received in December of 2020.

The president’s job approval rating today ties his all-time low, which he received in August of 2017.

Voters are divided on whether they think President Trump is mentally stable. Forty-five percent say he is mentally stable, while 48 percent say he is not mentally stable. The findings are nearly identical to responses from a January 2018 poll, when 45 percent of voters said they thought Trump was mentally stable and 47 percent said he was not.

UNDERMINING DEMOCRACY

Voters say 60 – 34 percent that President Trump is undermining, not protecting, democracy. There are sharp political divides on this question. Democrats say 95 – 4 percent and independents say 64 – 28 percent that Trump is undermining democracy, while Republicans say 73 – 20 percent that Trump is protecting democracy.

Voters say 58 – 34 percent that the Republican members of Congress who tried to stop the formal certification of Joe Biden’s victory in the 2020 presidential election were undermining democracy. Democrats say 90 – 9 percent and independents say 61 – 29 percent that the lawmakers were undermining democracy, and Republicans say 70 – 23 percent that they were protecting democracy.

Eight in 10 voters (80 percent) say the individuals who stormed the U.S. Capitol on January 6th were undermining democracy. Ten percent say they were protecting democracy and another 10 percent are unsure. Democrats say 95 – 3 percent, independents say 80 – 9 percent, and Republicans say 70 – 17 percent that they were undermining democracy.

STORMING OF THE CAPITOL

Voters are split on whether they consider what happened at the U.S. Capitol a coup attempt or not. Forty-seven percent say they consider it a coup attempt, 43 percent say they do not, and 10 percent say they are unsure. There is a near unanimous view among voters, 91 – 6 percent, that the individuals who stormed the U.S. Capitol on January 6th should be held accountable for their actions.

Voters also say, 81 – 12 percent, that extremism is a big problem in the United States.

“Pick them up and lock them up. There’s no ambivalence on how to treat the mobs that breached the Capitol, and there is nearly the same level of alarm from Republicans and Democrats over extremism establishing a troubling foothold,” added Malloy.

About 7 in 10 voters (71 percent) say that law enforcement officials did not do everything they could to prevent the initial storming of the U.S. Capitol on January 6th, while 19 percent say they did.

Seventy percent of voters say they are either very (35 percent) or somewhat (35 percent) concerned about the safety of elected officials in the United States, while 29 percent say they are either not so concerned (13 percent) or not concerned at all (16 percent).

2020 VOTER FRAUD

More than half of voters (58 percent) say they believe there was no widespread voter fraud in the 2020 presidential election, while 37 percent of voters do believe there was widespread voter fraud. That is almost identical to the response in December 2020, when voters said 58 – 38 percent that there was no widespread voter fraud.

Republicans say 73 – 21 percent that they believe there was widespread voter fraud. Democrats say 93 – 5 percent and independents say 60 – 36 percent that they do not believe there was widespread voter fraud.

21% of Republicans and 36% of Independents believe there was widespread voter fraud. Thi is the Big Lie that Republicans are not doing enough to dispel.